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GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
HIS LIFE AND WORKS
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4
I
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
HIS LIFE AND WORKS
A CRITICAL BIOGRAPHY
(Authorized)
By
ARCHIBALD HENDERSON, M.A., Ph.D.
Of the University of North Carolina
With 33 Illustrations, including two Plates in Colour (one from an autochrome
by Alvin Langdon Coburn, the other from a water-colour by Bernard
Partridge), two Photogravures (Coburn and Steicheri),
and numerous facsimiles in the text
STEWART & KIDD COMPANY
CINCINNATI
1911
b3 4. t
COPYEIOHT, 1911,
STEWART & KIDD CO.
©CLA300933
AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION
More than six years ago I conceived the idea of writing a book
about Bernard Shaw. The magnitude of the undertaking and
the elusiveness of the subject, had I realized them then in their
full significance, might well have made me pause. My earliest
interest in his work, aroused by his thoughtful laughter and
piqued by his elfish impudence, convinced me that this re-
markable talent was like no other I had known.
In characteristic style, Mr. Shaw once gave the following
fantastic account of the evolution of the present work. A young
American professor, Shaw explained, wished to write a book
about him. Originally, he thought of beginning his task by
writing an article for a daily newspaper. But so rapidly did the
material grow that he soon saw the necessity of expanding the
newspaper article into a long essay for a monthly review. When
the essay was completed, in view of the mass of material in his
hands, it appeared totally inadequate to express what he really
wished to say about Bernard Shaw. It then occurred to him to
write a short book entitled " G. B. S." Alas ! This plan had
also to be relinquished, for it was now manifest that in no such
small compass was it possible to do justice to his subject. At
last he hit upon the brilliant scheme of his final adoption: he
would write a history of modern thought in twenty volumes.
After considering the forerunners of his hero in the first nine-
teen volumes, he would devote the twentieth solely to the
treatment of George Bernard Shaw.
Such is the history of the genesis of this book — as narrated
by Shaw in the well-known Milesian manner. His whimsicalities
find gay expression in the invention of such fantastic stories,
which delight his auditors and exasperate only the persons
concerning whom the invention is concocted. For example, Mr.
Shaw once laughingly declared that " Henderson began by hail-
ing me as an infant prodigy, and ended by pronouncing me a
genius." And he delights in retailing the story of my chiv-
AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION
alrously coming to his rescue under the impression that he was
an unknown and struggling dramatist who sorely needed, and
greatly deserved, enthusiastic championship.
The real history of this biography, if not so interesting or
amusing, at least possesses the merit of greater accuracy. I
was first drawn to Shaw, not because he was a Socialist, a pub-
licist, an economist. I was concerned with neither his fame nor
his obscurity. I had seen his plays produced in America, had
followed the ups and downs of his career as a dramatist, and
was marking the rise of his star successively in Austria and
Germany. The Shaw who caught and held my interest was the
dramatist of a new type. I planned writing a brief study of
Bernard Shaw and his plays less comprehensive in scope even
than the subsequent studies of Holbrook Jackson, Gilbert Ches-
terton and Julius Bab. Mr. Shaw furnished me with a brief
outline of his career and I set to work. After studying his works
for some months, I sent a series of queries to Mr. Shaw. Fear
fell upon me when, some time later, I received from him a card
saying that he had only come to the forty-first page of his
reply ; and he assured me that if this business was to come off,
it might as well be done thoroughly. Fear was turned to con-
sternation when the big budget finally arrived. " I knew that
you thought you were dealing simply with a new dramatist,"
wrote Mr. Shaw, " whereas, to myself, all the fuss about Can-
dida was only a remote ripple from the splashes I made in the
days of my warfare long ago. I do not think what you propose
is important as my biography, but a thorough biography of
any man who is up to the chin in the life of his time as I have
been is worth writing as a historical document ; and, therefore,
if you still care to face it, I am willing to give you what help
I can. Indeed, you can force my hand to some extent, for
any story that you start will pursue me to all eternity ; and if
there is to be a biography, it is worth my while to make it as
accurate as possible."
In this way my original plan was developed and expanded.
Mr. Shaw's abundant sympathy and encouragement; the over-
flowing measure of material afforded me ; the insight into a life
and a period of tremendous significance and vitality; all these
vi
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to" f,vuj^AX ^ „xi, ~%Z U^J «3W4 ^(maXJU^ w^ <pJL_ a. Ae*u^teT
jdt ~X*- tT Le- ^ ^ ^ *^M t~jp* ***- wLl" -U[. I
Facsimile of page 54 of a letter from Bernard Shaw to the biographer, of date January 17th, 1905.
AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION
combined to offer an opportunity not to be neglected. My
interest in the subject deepened with my knowledge. It became
my aim to write — not a Rougon-Macquart history of modern
thought in twenty volumes — but an account of the movements
of a most interesting period, the last quarter of the nineteenth
and the opening decade of the twentieth centuries, a propos of
Bernard Shaw. As the work progressed, Shaw warned me —
and the reporters — that in attempting his biography I had un-
dertaken a " terrific task," an opinion endorsed by others. I
remember one day being introduced to Mr. Bram Stoker as
Bernard Shaw's biographer; whereupon he remarked with
genuine feeling in his tone : " I can only say that you have my
prof oundest sympathy ! " Soon after I had fairly embarked
upon the undertaking, in fact, Shaw pointed out to me its
magnitude. " I want you to do something that will be useful
to yourself and to the world," he wrote in February, 1905 ; " and
that is, to make me a mere peg on which to hang a study of the
last quarter of the nineteenth century, especially as to the col-
lectivist movement in politics, ethics and sociology; the Ibsen-
Nietzschean movement in morals; the reaction against the ma-
terialism of Marx and Darwin; the Wagnerian movement in
music; and the anti-romantic movement (including what people
call realism, materialism and impressionism) in literature and
art."
During the progress of the work I beheld Shaw conquer Amer-
ica, then Germany, then England, and, lastly, the Scandinavian
countries and Continental Europe. I realized that my subject,
beginning as a somewhat obscure Irish author, had thrown off
the garb of submerged renown, taken the public by storm, and
become the most universally popular living dramatist, and the
most frequently paragraphed man in the world. No British
dramatist — not even Shakespeare ! — had conquered the world
during his lifetime; yet Shaw, just past fifty, had succeeded in
turning this cosmic trick. Clippings, pictures, journals and
books poured in upon me from every quarter of the globe. I
discovered that Shaw was a man with a past as well as a genius
with a future, and I realized the truth of his cryptic boast that
he had lived for three centuries.
vii
AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION
Now and then, to relieve the burden of my thoughts, I would
write an essay for some German, French, or American review.
But I only met with base ingratitude from the subject of the
essay. " Your articles have been a most fearful curse to me,"
Mr. Shaw wrote me on one occasion, after the appearance of an
article in which I had referred to his unobtrusive philanthropy.
" For instance, the day before yesterday I got a typical letter.
The writer has nine children ; has lost his wife suddenly, and was
on the point of shooting himself in desperation for want of
fifteen pounds to get him out of his difficulties, when he hap-
pened to come on a copy of your article. He instantly felt that
here was the man to give him the fifteen pounds and save his
life. He is only one out of a dozen who have had the same
idea. I shall refer them all to you with assurances that you
have read your own character into mine, and are a man with
a feeling heart, a full pocket, and a ready hand to give to the
afflicted."
When the book was well under way, I came to Engand, at
Mr. Shaw's invitation, to " study my subject." My views of
his work and genius remained fundamentally the same, though
the personal contact with one of the most vivid and remarkable
personalities of our time, quite naturally brought about some
marked modifications of my more remote impressions, and cor-
rected some of the minor misunderstandings which are inevitable
in the absence of a personal acquaintance. Many passages in
his works, many phases of his personality, hitherto obscure or
incomprehensible, became clear to me. I learned the meaning
of his plays, the purport of his philosophy, and the objects of
his life not from my viewpoint alone, but from his own. In
the quiet of Ayot, we read and discussed together the portion of
the biography then written. With frequent criticism and com-
ment Mr. Shaw helped me to a new and larger comprehension
of his life and work.
On my return to America I once more approached my task —
this time with the illumination of personality, and with the deeper
knowledge of his own interpretation of his life and works, even
though Mr. Shaw's views might not, and often did not, entirely
viii
SHAW AND THE BIOGRAPHER.
Ayot St. Lawrence. Hertfordshire. July. 1907.
From a photograph taken by Mrs. Bernard Shaw.
[Facing p. x.
AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION
tally with my own. The biography was now written finally, from
the first chapter to the last.
One who has pursued the errant course of a Will-o'-the-wisp
may understand somewhat of my effort to follow the devious
route of G. B. S. With interest, though I confess at times
with dwindling patience, I have followed the lure of that occa-
sionally somewhat impishly un-kindly light, " o'er moor and fen,
o'er crag and torrent," till after the fashion of his kind, he
abandoned me, wayfaring, on the brink of the abyss to save
my neck as best I might. Which things are a parable.
Characteristically, and, it must be admitted, in a sense justly,
he remarks that a biography of a living man cannot be finished
till he is dead, or words to that effect. But the chances there
are against the Biographer as well as the Biographed; and I
have no fancy, I confess, that the book should be, as he once
maliciously prophesied, " a posthumous work for both of us,"
nor that he should be justified in his presentiment that we
should " both die the moment we finished it."
While nothing but death can fitly end a man's life, being no
Boswell, and having my own life to attend to as well as his, I
have brought these " twenty volumes " to a close. A man who
has already, by his own account, " lived three centuries," is as
likely to live three more; but it is less probable that I shall see
the end of them. So I take Time by the forelock and write
•finis to a contribution which can only hope to cover the first
three centuries.
" Who is to tackle Mr. Bernard Shaw," Mr. Augustine Birrell
once asked, " and assign to him his proper place in the provi-
dential order of the world?" This work is in no sense an
effort to assign to Bernard Shaw his " proper place in the provi-
dential order of the world." Such a task it is impossible to
accomplish so long as Shaw lives to belie it. No more is it
possible to say the final word about any genius in mid-career
with limitless possibilities before him. Shaw's masterpiece —
even a series of masterpieces ! — perhaps remains to be written.
His career may have only just begun.
This book is designed to give an authoritative account, bio-
graphical and critical, of Bernard Shaw's work, art, philosophy
ix
AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION
and life up to the present time. Perhaps its appearance is not
premature. Shaw has suffered no little from the Shavians. He
has served more than once as an excuse for propaganda and
counter-propaganda. But save for one or two glaring excep-
tions, the fatuities of the cult, and the image of the shrine and
burning candles have in large measure vanished — it is hoped, to
return no more. The time seems ripe for conscientious and
thoughtful consideration of the man and his work, in relation
to the thought movement of our time — irrespective of political
bias and personal prejudice. Perhaps the portrait, though
neither " disparaging " nor " unflattering," may present the
" real Shaw," if more " unexpectedly," perhaps no less truly,
in that I am " a stranger to the Irish-British environment."
If I have succeeded in removing a legendary figure from the
atmosphere of contemporary mythology, and in portraying the
real man in the light of common day, then an earnest search for
the aurea media of true criticism will not have proved wholly
fruitless. I hope I may have succeeded, in some adequate de-
gree, in exhibiting, in their true colours, what Mr. Gilbert Ches-
terton once justly described to me in a letter as " that humour
and that courage which have cleansed so much of the intellect
of to-day."
PREFACE
I have neither space nor words to express, in full measure,
my gratitude and indebtedness to the many friends, critics,
scholars and men of letters who have aided me in the preparation
of this work. First of all I wish to thank Mr. Shaw himself for
his assistance. The voluminous correspondence filled with criti-
cism, exposition and reminiscence; the immense trouble taken
in placing ample materials at my disposal; the personal assist-
ance in detailed discussion of the work — will have made this
work possible. For the views expressed in this biography Mr.
Shaw is in no sense responsible. On many points we are in
hearty disagreement. At this place, I take pleasure in express-
ing my indebtedness to Mrs. Shaw, for kind assistance and
helpful suggestions.
Valuable assistance, especially in connection with the earlier
stages of Shaw's career as a dramatist, was derived from Mr.
William Archer's collection of Shaviana, which he freely and
most generously placed at my disposal. The chapter on Shaw
as a critic of music I could not have written without the articles
lent me by Mr. Archer. I am likewise greatly indebted to
Mr. Holbrook Jackson, who gave me free access to his collection
of Shaviana, and lent me valuable material hitherto unknown to
me, or inaccessible. During the entire course of the preparation
of the present work, I have received the counsel and aid of that
scholarly student of the drama, Mr. James Piatt White, of
Buffalo, New York, who freely placed the services of himself
and his fine library of dramatic literature at my disposal.
To certain able students of Shaw's work, some of them not
known to me personally, and also to a few personal friends, I
am also especially indebted. To Mr. John Corbin, Professor
William Lyon Phelps and Professor E. E. Hale, Jr., in
connection with the chapters treating of the plays ; to Mr. James
Huneker, in connection with the chapter treating of Shaw as a
xi
PREFACE
critic of music ; to the late Mr. Samuel L. Clemens and to Dr.
C. Alphonso Smith in connection with other critical and bio-
graphical chapters — for reading these portions of the work, for
helpful criticism in some instances, for the loan of material in
others, to all my thanks are gratefully accorded. Needless to
say, they are in no wise responsible for any faults or errors of
mine. In various ways, in lesser degree, I am indebted to Miss
Sally Fair child, Mr. Henry George, Jr., Mr. J. T. Grein and
Mr. Austin Lewis.
Of foreign critics, I wish especially to thank M. Augustin
Hamon, the French translator of Shaw's works, for his inter-
esting suggestions, his numerous acts of kindness, and for the
rich mass of documents embodying the continental criticism of
Shaw with which he has kept me supplied ; and Herr Siegfried
Trebitsch, of Vienna, the German translator of Shaw's works,
for detailed information in regard to Shaw's position and recog-
nition in German Europe. I cannot permit myself to omit from
the list of those to whom I am especially indebted the names
of M. Jean Blum, formerly Professor at the Lycee, Oran, Al-
geria ; Herr Heinrich Stiimcke, editor of Biihne unci Welt; Pro-
fessor Paul Haensel, of the University of Moscow; Dr. Julius
Brouta, of Madrid, the Spanish translator of Shaw's works ;
Herr Hugo Vallentin, the Swedish translator of Shaw's works ;
Mr. J. M. Borup, the Danish translator of Shaw's works ; Baron
Reinhold von Willebrand, editor of the Finsk Tidskrift, Helsing-
fors, Finland; M. Auguste Filon, now resident in England, I
believe; and Dr. Georg Brandes, of Copenhagen. In the text
of the present work, or in footnotes, I trust I have not failed
to express my indebtedness to everyone, not heretofore men-
tioned, who, in one way or another, has aided me in the present
work. I should, however, like to acknowledge here my indebted-
ness to the officials of the Library of Congress, Washington,
D. C, of the British Museum, and of the Cambridge University
Library, for their unfailing courtesy and helpfulness.
I have taken the utmost pains to include among the illustra-
tions the most notable representations ever made of Shaw —
sculpture, portrait, photograph and cartoon. Moreover, the
thought of presenting Shaw to the eye in the most character-
xii
PREFACE
istic and representative way, as he appeared at various stages
in his career, has been constantly borne in mind. My thanks
are now expressed to M. Auguste Rodin for permission to repro-
duce a photograph of his bronze bust of Shaw, the marble
replica of which, presented by Mr. Shaw, now stands in the
Municipal Gallery of Modern Art, Dublin; to Prince Paul
Troubetzkoy, Paris, for a photograph of his remarkable plaster
bust of Shaw, said to have been made in forty minutes ; to the
Hon. Neville S. Lytton, for permission to reproduce his unique
portrait of Mr. Shaw, after the Innocent X. of Velasquez; to
Mr. Bernard Partridge for the loan of his admirable water-
colour of Shaw; to Miss Jessie Holliday for the loan of her
striking water-colour of Shaw, her photo-drawing of Mr. Webb,
and her sketch of Mr. Archer ; to Mr. Max Beerbohm and Mr.
E. T. Reed for permission to reproduce cartoons of Shaw; to
Mr. H. G. Wells for permission to reproduce his drawing of
six Socialists; to Mr. Joseph Simpson, the artist, and Mr. J.
Murray Allison, the owner, for the loan of a black-and-white
wash drawing — all the best of their kind. I was so fortunate
as to enlist the interest and co-operation of those two great
American artist-photographers, Alvin Langdon Coburn (Lon-
don) and Eduard J. Steichen (Paris). Notable portraits and
pictures were taken by them especially for this work — one
Lumiere autochrome and four monochromes by Mr. Coburn, and
two monochromes by Mr. Steichen. For permission to photo-
graph the first and last pages of the original manuscript of
Love Among the Artists — and also for supplying me with
much other valuable material — I am indebted to Mr. D. J. Rider.
I wish to express my thanks to Dr. M. L. Ettinghausen, of
Munich, who secured for me many playbills of the productions
of Shaw's plays in German Europe. I wish to express my
thanks also to Mr. Roger Ingpen, for his assistance in the
matter of illustrations. My thanks are likewise extended to
the proprietors of Punch and Vanity Fair for permission to
reproduce certain cartoons which originally appeared in those
publications. In especial, I wish to thank Mrs. Shaw for her
intelligent aid in the selection of likenesses of Mr. Shaw from
his own large collection.
xiii
PREFACE
In accordance with the original plan for the biography of
Mr. Shaw, the present volume was to contain an appendix*
treating chronologically and critically of the production of
Shaw's plays throughout the world, from the inception of his
career as a dramatist. It has proved advisable to publish this
appendix later in a separate, souvenir volume, embodying the
history of the dramatic movement inaugurated by Bernard
Shaw. Consequently, the chapters in the present volume deal-
ing with Shaw's plays are concerned primarily with critical
discussion of the genesis and art of the plays, touching upon
their production only in the most casual and adventitious way.
Mr. Shaw is fond of saying : " I am a typical Irishman ; my
family came from Hampshire." His lineal ancestor, Captain
William Shaw, was of Scotch descent; lived in Hampshire,
England; and in 1689 went to Ireland, where the family has
since lived. The strains in Mr. Shaw's ancestry are so compli-
cated and interwoven, that it has seemed important to publish
a genealogical chart of the Shaw family. The researches were
conducted by the expert genealogist, Rev. W. Ball Wright,
M.A., Osbaldwick Vicarage, York, at the instance and under the
direction of Mr. Shaw himself. The chart, compiled from the
data of Mr. Wright, was prepared by the experts of the
Grafton Genealogical Press, New York.
To my wife, for her untiring assistance and inestimably
valuable criticism, I cannot cancel my debt of gratitude by
any expressions, however eloquent. I could not have written
this book without her aid. It is to her intellectual directness
and to her genius for suggestive criticism, that the present
volume owes very much of whatever merit it may possess.
Archibald Henderson.
Cambridge, England.
November 30th, 1910.
xiv
PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION
The association of America and Bernard Shaw connotes, at
the first glance, incongruity if not mutual antipathy. There
is at once a suggestion of conflict between the most individual-
istic personality of the day and the most individualistic nation
of the world. One of America's deplorable, if amiable, weak-
nesses is the predilection for inviting estimates of herself from
supercilious people who know nothing about her. And one of
Shaw's amusing idiosyncracies is his fancy for discoursing
freely upon subjects of which he is pathetically ignorant. Bull-
baiting is his daily pastime ; but now and then he eagerly yields
to the tempting invitation to take a new fling at America. So
from time to time we have the diverting spectacle of a remarka-
bly clever and shrewd Irishman making quaintly stupid and
delightfully inapposite strictures upon a country he has never
visited and upon a people among whom he has never lived or
even sojourned.
Imagine a Martian making his first studies of the United
States through the sole intermediary of the writings and dis^
courses of Mr. Bernard Shaw. What a lurid and shocking pic-
ture would be presented to his view! The United States, thus
portrayed, is a " nation of villagers," suburban in instinct and
parochial in moral judgments, " overridden with old-fashioned
creeds and a capitalistic religion." The Americans are an " ap-
palling, horrible, narrow lot," and America is a " land of
unthinking, bigoted persecution." The American woman is
attractive, beautiful, and well-dressed — but has no soul. The
American man is a machine of voluble activity without pro-
gressive impetus, whose single aim is the acquisition of wealth.
America is a semi-barbaric country, incessantly shocking the
world with its crass exposures of political corruption and in-
dustrial brigandage, murders, manslaughters, and lynchings,
peonage, sweat-shops, child-labor, and white slavery. It is fifty
years behind England, and a hundred years behind Europe, in
xv
PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION
art, literature, science, religion, and government — in a word,
in civilization.
This lurid chromo, painted in crude and primary colors, is
clearly the Shavian reflection of English press-opinion of Amer-
ica and the Americans — if it is not one of Mr. Shaw's most
successful comic fictions. In whatever proportion jest and
earnest may be commingled in such a comic fiction, certainly it
is disappointing to find a man who has often proven himself
an exceedingly clear-sighted observer and astute thinker with
respect to subjects upon which he is fully informed, betray so
pathetic an ignorance of the realities of American life. Mr.
Shaw has been content to acquire his notions concerning America
at second hand, and often at third and fourth — a method of
acquiring information which is to be recommended for ease
rather than for accuracy.
The English newspaper is, actually, a standing menace to per-
fectly equable relations between England and America. There
is a yellowness of sensationalism, and there is a yellowness of
deliberate misrepresentation. There is a deeper, more subtle
inaccuracy than that which inheres in the distortion of facts;
it is the inaccuracy which inheres in the suppression of facts;
The picture of America daily presented to English eyes through
the medium of the English press is a caricature — a broad, crude
caricature. It is so flagrant as to lead to the lurid chromo of
America achieved by Mr. Shaw. The English visitor to the
United States, who gets no further than the hotels of the great
cities and the rear platform of an observation car, catches only
the most superficial of impressions — chiefly of the hurried
metropolitan search for wealth and of the natural, still almost
primitive, wildness of the landscape. England means censorious-
ness; and English curiosity and inquisitiveness are more than
often misguided — searching into and accentuating those phases
of American life and character which are most open to adverse
criticism, and overlooking or ignoring those indicative features
and attributes which are most suggestive in their utility and
value.
In reality, England and America have much to learn from
each other that will be mutually helpful and beneficial. That
spirit of generosity which characterizes America in her relations
xvi
PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION
to all the world is the significant deficiency in the English
national character. America is the supreme exemplar of inter-
nationalism. America is open-mindedness, enterprise, acquisi-
tiveness. England, as instanced most signally in her splendid
public institutions, is unsparingly generous — liberally sharing
her treasures with all the rest of the world. But she is deplora-
bly retrograde, as a nation, through declining to utilize the best
that is to be found in other nationalities and other civilizations.
It is, perhaps, sometimes more generous to receive than to give.
England austerely plays the role of model to other nations;
but she cannot abide to " sit at the feet of wisdom," to appro-
priate for her own advancement the good and the useful in
others, whosoever those others may be. England's besetting sin
of national vanity is the canker in the flower of her civilization,
the ominous source of her progressive relinquishment of interna-
tional supremacy.
On the other hand, America has much to learn from England,
and from that phase of English spirit signally exemplified in
the person of Bernard Shaw. For if he is anything, Shaw is
a free thinker — in the original and entirely uncorrupted mean-
ing of that term. His is that boundless naivete so fertile for
truth's own discovery. Not only is he free thinker : he is equally
free writer and free speaker. He says exactly what he thinks —
and a good deal more. He coats the pill of the satirist with
the sugar of the artist; his wit stands sponsor for his irreve-
rence. In Nietzschean phrase, Shaw is a " good European." He
is fully abreast of the most advanced thought of Europe, and
consistently maintains relations with the latest developments in
the fine arts, philosophy, and sociology. For many years, he has
served as a channel for the influx into English-speaking coun-
tries of the streams of European consciousness. As an original
thinker, Shaw has independently arrived at many conclusions
which have been more rigorously elaborated by numerous modern
thinkers, from Stirner, Nietzsche and Ibsen to Maeterlinck,
Bergson and James. As the literary popularizer of contem-
porary philosophic ideas, Bernard Shaw is one of the heralds of
that steadily evolving spirit of cosmopolitan culture which bids
fair to give the intellectual note of the twentieth century.
In this hour of America's great national resurgence in tht
xvii
PREFACE TO THE AMERICAN EDITION
effort to purge the body politic of glaring social evils, it is
helpful to study Bernard Shaw and to discover that his most
distinctive and noteworthy service as a public character has been
his splendid struggle for the inculcation of the highest ideals
of unselfish public service. England far surpasses America in
the relative amount of public service rendered by individuals
and public organizations in behalf of the general welfare, with-
out remuneration or the hope of remuneration. " I am of the
opinion that my life belongs to the whole community," Bernard
Shaw has finely declared, " and as long as I live it is my privi-
lege to do for it whatsoever I can." Only when individual
leaders of opinion in America, of which there is now no dearth,
are supported everywhere by an awakened public conscience and
a universally functioning spirit of individual responsibility, shall
we secure throughout our country, from hamlet to metropolis,
the much desiderated remedy for social abuse and the progressive
perfecting of popular government.
Aechibald Henderson.
Salisbury, N. C, September 4, 1911.
xvm
CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAGE
Author's Introduction v
Preface xi
Preface to the American Edition xv
I. — Dublin Days 3
II. — London . 31
III. — The Novelist 59
IV.— The Fabian Society 89
V. — The Cart and Trumpet 121
VI. — Shavian Socialism 151
VII.— The Art Critic 195
VIII— The Music Critic 231
IX.— The Dramatic Critic 261
X. — The Playwright — I 293
XI. — The Playwright — II 335
XII.— The Playwright— III 363
^XIIL— The Technician 409
VXIV.— The Dramatist 431
XV. — Artist and Philosopher . . . . .453
XVI.— The Man 491
Appendix. — A Genealogy of the Shaw Family.
xix
ILLUSTRATIONS
COVER DESIGN
<.----
IX*
A Satyric Mask. From an original in the Department of Greek
and Roman Antiquities, British Museum.
COLOURED PLATES
George Bernard Shaw. Xumiere autochrome, by Alvin
Langdon Cobum Frontispiece
Ahenobarbus at Rehearsal. Water-colour of G. B. Shaw,
by J. Bernard Partridge .... facing p. 246
PHOTOGRAVURE PLATES
George Bernard Shaw. " The Diabolonian." Monochrome
by Eduard J. Steichen facing p. 80
George Bernard Shaw. "The Philosopher." Monochrome
by Alvin Langdon Cobum . . . . facing p. 468
OTHER ILLUSTRATIONS
Shaw and the biographer. Photo by Mrs. Bernard Shaw
facing p. viii
Lucinda Elizabeth Shaw, George Carr Shaw, etc. " 18
Shaw at the age of twenty-three " 46 w
Sidney Webb " 92"
Henry George " 96
Karl Marx " 96
Cover of Fabian Tract, No. 2 .... p. 103
The Socialist (George Bernard Shaw in 1891) . facing p. 116 v
The Cart and Trumpet " 144
A Study of Six Socialists " 164 v
Cover design of Fabian Essays, 1890. By Walter Crane p. 179
Fitzroy Square, London facing p. 196
William Morris " 211 '
George Bernard Shaw. A Cartoon. By Max
Beerbohm . . . . . " 232
Pope Innocent X " 262
The Modern Pope of Wit and Wisdom. By Neville
S. Lytton " 262
John Bull's other Playwright. A Cartoon. By E.
T. Reed " 270
xxi
ILLUSTRATIONS
William Archer. By Jessie Holliday . . . facing p.
Bernard Shaw. Black-and-white wash sketch by
Joseph Simpson ......"
In Consultation (G. B. S. and the author). By J§.
J. Steichen "
H. Granville Barker. By A. L. Coburn . . "
Shaw's House at Ayot St. Lawrence ..."
George Bernard Shaw. Photo by Histed . . "
Shaw's present home in London (10, Adelphi Terrace) "
A plaster bust of Shaw. By Troubetzkoy . . "
G. B. S. (A Cartoon). By Joseph Simpson . . p.
A bust of Shaw. By Rodin
A Prophet, the Press, and Some People.
water-colour by Jessie Holliday
. facing p.
From a
276
294/
336
372'
422
436
446
480
497
500 v
506
FACSIMILES
MANUSCRIPTS
A page of a letter from Bernard Shaw to the
biographer facing p. vi
The first and last pages of original MS. of Love
Among the Artists . . . . . pp. 65-66
/
PLAYBILLS, ETC.
Sunday Afternoon Lectures. March, 1886
The Philanderer. Berlin
Mrs. Warren's Profession. Munich .
Arms and the Man. London. First performance
You Never Can Tell. Stockholm
The Man of Destiny. Frankfort
Candida. Paris
Candida, Brussels
Man and Superman. New York
Candida. New York
The Doctor's Dilemma. Cologne
Arms and the Man. Frankfort
Press Cuttings. London
PAGE
126
301
301
311
S26
326
349
352
365
379
395
395
403
A Genealogical Chart
facing p. 514
xxn
DUBLIN DAYS
"If religion is that which binds men to one another, and irreligiori that
which sunders, then must I testify that I found the religion of my country
in its musical genius and its irreligion in its churches and drawing-rooms."
— Ir\ the Days of My Youth. By Bernard Shaw. Mainly About People,
1898.
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW:
HIS LIFE AND WORKS
CHAPTER I
IT is a circumstance of no little significance that Bernard Shaw
and Oscar Wilde, two dramatists whose plays have achieved
so notable a success on the European stage, should both have
been born in Dublin within two years of one another. It has
been the good fortune of no other living British or Irish
dramatist of our day to receive the enthusiastic acclaim of the
most cultured public of continental Europe. What more fitting
and natural than this sustention, by the countrymen of Swift
and Sheridan, of the Celtic reputation for brilliancy, clever-
ness and wit?
George Bernard Shaw was born on July 26th, 1856 — well-
nigh a century later than his countryman and fellow-townsman,
Richard Brinsley Sheridan. Only one year before, in 1855,
was born Shaw's sole rival to the place of the foremost living
dramatist of the United Kingdom, Arthur Wing Pinero. It
is an interesting coincidence that the year which saw the demise
of that " first man of his century," Heinrich Heine, also wit-
nessed the birth of the brilliant and original spirit who is, in
some sense, his natural and logical successor: Bernard Shaw.
There is some suggestion of the workings of that wonderful law
of compensation, which Emerson preached with such high seri-
ousness, in this synchronous relation of birth and death, con-
necting Heine and Shaw. The circumstance might be said to
proclaim the unbroken continuity of the comic spirit.
Bernard Shaw possesses the unique faculty of befuddling the
brains of more sane writers than any other living man. The
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
critic of conventional view-point is dismayed by the discovery
that Shaw is bound by no conventions whatever, with the
possible exception of the mechanical conventions of the stage.
Shaw is essentially an intellectual, not an emotional, talent;
the critic of large imaginative sympathy discovers in him one
who on occasion disclaims the possession of imagination. Unlike
the idealist critic, Shaw is never a hero-worshipper: he derides
heroism and makes game of humanity. To the analytic critic,
with his schools, his classifications, his labellings, Shaw is the
elusive and unanalyzable quantity — a fantastic original, a talent
wholly sui generis. With all his realism, he cannot be called the
exponent of a school. It would be nearer the truth to say that
he is himself a school.
It is futile to attempt to measure Shaw with the foot-rule of
prejudice or convention. Only by placing oneself exactly at
his peculiar point of view and recording the impressions received
without prejudice, preference or caricature, can one ever hope
to fathom the mystery of this disquieting intelligence. Most
mocking when most serious, most fantastic when most earnest;
his every word belies his intent. The antipode to the farcicality
of pompous dulness, his gravity is that of the masquerader in
motley, the mordant humour of the licensed fool. Contradiction
between manner and meaning, between method and essence, con-
stitutes the real secret of his career. The truly noteworthy
consideration is not that Shaw -is incorrigibly fantastic and
frivolous ; the alarming fact is that he is remarkably consistent
and profoundly in earnest. The willingness of the public to
accept the artist at his face value blinds its eyes to the profound,
almost grim, seriousness of the man. The great solid and
central fact of his life is that he has used the artistic mask of
humour to conceal the unswerving purpose of the humanitarian /
and social reformer. The story of the career of George Bernard *
Shaw, in whom is found the almost unprecedented combination
of the most brilliantly whimsical humour with the most serious
and vital purpose, has already, even in our time, taken on
somewhat of the character of a legend. It might become a fairy
story, in very fact, if we did not finally determine to relate it,
to associate it in printed form with the life of our time.
4
DUBLIN DAYS
How to write the biography of so complex a nature? The
greatest living English dramatic critic once confessed that he
never approached a more difficult task than that of interpretation
of Shaw's plays. One of Shaw's most intimate friends once
suggested that the title of his biography would probably be
" The Court Jester who was Hanged."
A few years ago, in discussing with me the plan of his
biography, Mr. Shaw suggested for it the euphonious if jour-
nalistic title — G. B. S. Biography and Autobiography. Though
the book as a whole is not developed along the lines originally
suggested sufficiently to render that title truly applicable, for
this first chapter surely none could be more suitable. These
" Dublin Days " have been reproduced by Shaw with much
amplitude, and more or less precision ; so that, accepting Shaw's
definition of Autobiography and mine of Biography, the result
will be a narrative of much falsehood and perhaps a little truth.
" All autobiographies are lies," is Shaw's fundamental thesis.
" I do not mean unconscious, unintentional lies : I mean delib-
erate lies. No man is bad enough to tell the truth about himself
during his lifetime, involving, as it must, the truth about his
family and friends and colleagues. And no man is good enough
to tell the truth in a document which he suppresses until there
is nobody left alive to contradict him." The true, the real auto-
biography will never be written ; no man, no woman — Rousseau,
Marie Bashkirtseff? — ever dared to write it. Were one to
attempt to write the book entitled, M y Heart Laid Bare, as
Poe says somewhere in his Margmalia, " the paper would shrivel
and blaze at every touch of the fiery pen." Shaw once " tried
the experiment, within certain limits, of being candidly autobio-
graphical." He produced no permanent impression, because
nobody ever believed him; but the extent to which he stood
compromised with his relations may well be imagined. His few
confidential reminiscences won him the reputation of being the
" most reckless liar in London " ; they reeked too strongly of
the diabolism mentioned by Poe. And yet we must accept
Shaw's comically irreverent autobiographical details, in view of
his assertion that they are attempts at genuine autobiography.
In the autobiographical accounts of his youth and early life,
5
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
as well as in many conversations on the subject with Mr. Shaw,
I have discovered ample explanation of his scepticism concern-
ing the binding ties of blood, of the strangely unsympathetic,
even hostile, relations between parents and children displayed
throughout his entire work. These autobiographical accounts
reveal on his part less filial affection than a sort of comic dis-
respect for the mistakes, faults and frailties of his parents and
relatives.
Mr. Shaw's grandfather was a Dublin notary and stockbroker,
who left a large family unprovided for at his death. George
Carr Shaw, his son and Bernard Shaw's father, was an Irish
Protestant gentleman; his rank — a very damnable one in his
son's eyes — was that of a poor relation of that particular grade
of the haute bourgeoisie which makes strenuous social preten-
sions. He had no money, it seems, no education, no profession,
no manual skill, no qualification of any sort for any definite
social function. Moreover, he had been brought up " to believe
that there was an inborn virtue of gentility in all Shaws, since
they revolved impecuniously in a sort of vague second cousinship
round a baronetcy." His people, who were prolific and
numerous, always spoke of themselves as " the Shaws " with an
intense sense of their own importance — as one would speak of the
Hohenzollerns or the Romanoffs. An amiable, but timid man,
the father's worst faults were inefficiency and hypocrisy. His
son could only say of him that he might have been a weaker
brother of Charles Lamb. Proclaiming, and half believing,
himself a teetotaller, he was in practice often a furtive drinker.
The one trait of his which was reproduced in his son, his
antithesis in almost every other respect, was a sense of humour,
an appreciation of the comic force of anti-climax. " When I
was a child, he gave me my first dip in the sea in Killiney Bay,"
writes his son. " He prefaced it by a very serious exhortation
on the importance of learning to swim, culminating in these
words : ' When I was a boy of only f ourteeen, my knowledge of
swimming enabled me to save your Uncle Robert's life.' Then,
seeing that I was deeply impressed, he stooped, and added con-
fidentially in my ear: ' And, to tell the truth, I never was so sorry
for anything in my life afterwards.' He then plunged into the
6
DUBLIN DAYS
ocean, enjoyed a thoroughly refreshing swim, and chuckled all
the way home."
All the Shaws, because of that remote baronetcy, Mr. Shaw
once gravely assured me, considered it the first duty of a respect-
able Government to provide them with sinecures. After holding
a couple of clerkships, Shaw's father, by some means, finally
asserted his family claim on the State with sufficient success to
attain a post in the Four Courts — the Dublin Courts of Justice.
This post in the Civil Service must have been a gross sinecure,
for by 1850 it was abolished, and he was pensioned off. He then
sold his small pension and went into business as a wholesale
dealer in corn, a business of which he had not the slightest
knowledge. " I cannot begin, like Ruskin, by saying that my
father was an entirely honest merchant," said his son in one of
his autobiographical confidences. " I don't know whether he
was or not ; I do know that he was an entirely unsuccessful one."
In addition to a warehouse and office in the city, he had a flour
mill at a place called Dolphin's Barn, a few miles out. This
mill, attached to the business as a matter of ceremony, perhaps
paid its own rent, since the machinery was generally in motion.
But its chief use, according to Bernard Shaw, " was to amuse
me and my boon companions, the sons of my father's partner."
When he was about forty years of age, Shaw's father married
Lucinda Elizabeth Gurly, the daughter of a country gentleman.
Students in eugenics might find in their disparity in age — a dif-
ference of twenty years— some explanation of the singular quali-
ties and unique genius of their son. The estate in Carlow, now
owned by Mr. Shaw, descended to him from his maternal grand-
father, Walter Bagnal Gurly, through his mother's brother.
Miss Gurly was brought up with extreme severity by her ma-
ternal aunt, Ellen Whitcroft, a sweet-faced lady, with a
deformed back and a ruthless will, who gave her niece the most
rigorous training, with the intention of subsequently leaving her
a fortune. The result of this course of education upon Miss
Gurly was ignorance alike of the value of money and of the
world; her marriage, hastily contracted when her home was
made uncomfortable for her by her father's second marriage,
gave her a sufficient knowledge of both. Her aunt, angered by
7
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
this unexpected and vexatious conduct on the part of this
absurdly inexperienced young woman, her erstwhile paragon
and protegee, summarily disinherited her. In many ways, Miss
Gurly's marriage proved a disappointment. Her husband, one
of the most impecunious of men, was far too poor to enable
her to live on the scale to which she had been accustomed.
Indeed, he was anything but a satisfactory husband for a clever
woman. It was in her music that Mrs. Shaw found solace and
comfort — a refuge from domestic disappointment.
The formative influences of Shaw's early life were of a nature
to inculcate in him that disbelief in popular education, that
disrespect for popular religion, and that contempt for social
pretensions which are so deeply ingrained in his work and
character. Is it any wonder, after his youthful experience with
orthodox religion, that, like Tennyson, he cherished a contempt
for the God of the British: "an immeasurable clergyman"?
In his own perverse and brilliant way, he has told us the history
of his progressive revolt against the religious standards of his
family :
" I believe Ireland, as far as the Protestant gentry are
concerned, to be the most irreligious country in the world.
I was christened by my uncle; and as my godfather was
intoxicated and did not turn up, the sexton was ordered
to promise and vow in his place, precisely as my uncle
might have ordered him to put more coals on the vestry
fire. I was never confirmed, and I believe my parents never
were either. The seriousness with which English families
take this rite, and the deep impression it makes on many
children, was a thing of which I had no conception. Prot-
estantism in Ireland is not a religion ; it is a side in political
faction, a class prejudice, a conviction that Roman Catholics
are socially inferior persons, who will go to hell when they
die, and leave Heaven in the exclusive possession of ladies
and gentlemen. In my childhood I was sent every Sunday
to a Sunday school where genteel children repeated texts,
and were rewarded with little cards inscribed with other
texts. After an hour of this, we were marched into the
8
DUBLIN DAYS
adjoining church, to fidget there until our neighbours must
have wished the service over as heartily as we did. I suf-
fered this, not for my salvation, but because my father's
respectability demanded it. When we went to live in the
country, remote from social criticism, I broke with the
observance and never resumed it.
" What helped to make this ' church ' a hot-bed of all
the social vices was that no working folk ever came to it.
In England the clergy go among the poor, and sometimes
do try desperately to get them to come to church. In
Ireland the poor are Catholics — ' Papists,' as my Orange
grandfather called them. The Protestant Church has
nothing to do with them. Its snobbery is quite unmitigated.
I cannot say that in Ireland every man is the worse for
what he calls his religion. I can only say that all the
people I knew were."
One must beware of the error of exaggerating the influence of
Puritanism upon Shaw's character in his youth. Mr. Shaw
has laughed consumedly at Mr. Chesterton for speaking of his
" narrow, Puritan home." A little incident may serve to reflect
the tone of the heated religious controversies that went on in
Mr. Shaw's home when he was a lad. Shaw's father, one of
his maternal uncles, and a visitor engaged one day in a discus-
sion over the raising of Lazarus. Mr. Shaw held the evangelical
view: that it took place exactly as described. The visitor was
a pure sceptic, and dismissed the story as manifestly impossible.
But Shaw's uncle described it as a put-up job, in which Jesus
had made a confederate of Lazarus — had made it worth his
while, or asked him for friendship's sake to pretend he was dead
and at the proper moment to pretend to come to life. " Now
imagine me as a little child," said Shaw in narrating the story,
" in my ' narrow, Puritan home,' listening to this discussion.
I listened with very great interest, and I confess to you that
the view which recommended itself most to me was that of my
maternal uncle, and I think, on reflection, you will admit that
that was the right and healthy point of view for a boy to take,
because my maternal uncle's view appealed to a sense of humour,
9
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
which is a very good thing and a very human thing, whereas
the other two views — one appealing to my mere credulity and
the other to mere scepticism — really did not appeal to any-
thing at all that had any genuine religious value. . . . Now
that was really the tone of religious controversy at that time,
and it almost always showed us the barrenness on the side of
religion very much more than it did on the side of scepticism."
This anecdote brings irresistibly to mind Mark Twain's story
of the old sea-captain who declared that Elijah had won out
in the altar contest, not because of his superiority over the
other prophets, or of his God to theirs, but because, under the
pretence that it was water, he had had the foresight to inundate
his altar with — petroleum !
A short while after he entered a land office in Dublin as an
employee, a position secured for him by his uncle, Frederick
Shaw, a high official in the Valuation Office, it was discovered
that the young Shaw, then in his teens, instead of being an
extremely correct Protestant and churchgoer, was actually what
used to be known in those days as an " infidel." Many were
the arguments, on the subject of religion and faith, that arose
among the employees of the firm, arguments that usually went
hard for young Shaw, the novice, untrained in dialectic. " What
is the use of arguing," one of the apprentices, Humphrey
Lloyd, said to Shaw one day, " when you don't know what a
syllogism is? " As he once told me, Mr. Shaw promptly went
and found out what it was, learning, like Moliere's hero, that
he had been making syllogisms all his life without knowing it.
Mr. Uniacke Townshend, Shaw's employer, a pillar of the church
— and of the Royal Dublin Society — so far respected his free-
dom of conscience as to make no attempt to reason with him,
only imposing the condition that the subject be not discussed in
the office. Although secretly chafing under the restraint, young
Shaw for a time honourably submitted to the stern limitation;
but an outbreak of some sort was inevitable. The immediate
occasion of his first alarming appearance in print was the visit
of the American evangelists, Moody and Sankey, to Dublin.
Their arrival in Great Britain created a considerable sensation,
*nd young Shaw went to hear them when they came to Dublin.
10
DUBLIN DAYS
Not only was he wholly unmoved by their eloquence, but he
actually felt bound to inform the public that, if this were
Religion, then he was, on the whole, an Atheist. Imagine the
extreme horror of his numerous uncles when they read his letter,
solemnly printed in Public Opinion* These evangelistic services,
he maintained, " were not of a religious, but a secular, not to
say profane, character." Further, he said : " Respecting the
effect of the revival on individuals I may mention that it has
a tendency to make them highly objectionable members of
society, and induces their unconverted friends to desire a
speedy reaction, which either soon takes place or the revived
one relapses slowly into his previous benighted condition as the
effect fades ; and although many young men have been snatched
from careers of dissipation by Mr. Moody's exhortations, it
remains doubtful whether the change is not merely in the nature
of the excitement rather than in the moral nature of the indi-
vidual."
The complete story of his " honest doubts," and his con-
scientious revolt against the hollowness and inhuman frigidity
of the religion he saw practised around him, he has related in the
most ludicrously irreverent vein :
" When I was a little boy, I was compelled to go to
church on Sunday ; and though I escaped from that intol-
* This letter, signed " S," appeared in Public Opinion on April 3d, 1875.
It is a criticism of the methods adopted by Messrs. Moody and Sankey,
and an attempt to show that the enormous audiences drawn to the evange-
listic services were not proof of their efficacy. Shaw then proceeds to
explain the motives which induced many people to attend, predominant
among them being " the curiosity excited by the great reputation of the
evangelists and the stories, widely circulated, of the summary annihilation
by epilepsy and otherwise of sceptics who had openly proclaimed their
doubts of Mr. Moody's divine mission." This letter has been reprinted in
Public Opinion, November 8th, 1907.
In his monograph on Shaw (pp. 42-3), Mr. Holbrook Jackson has pointed
out that this was not Shaw's first bid for publicity. In the Vaudeville
Magazine of September, 1871, there appeared among the Editorial Replies
the following: " G. B. Shaw, Torca Cottage, Torca Hill, Dalkey, Co. Dub-
lin, Ireland. — You should have registered your letter; such a combination
of wit and satire ought not to have been conveyed at the ordinary rate of
postage. As it was, your arguments were so weighty, we had to pay
twopence extra for them."
11
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
erable bondage before I was ten, it prejudiced me so vio-
lently against church-going that twenty years elapsed
before, in foreign lands and in pursuit of works of art, I
became once more a church-goer. To this day, my flesh
creeps when I recall that genteel suburban Irish Protestant
church, built by Roman Catholic workmen who would have
considered themselves damned had they crossed its threshold
afterwards. Every separate stone, every pane of glass,
every fillet of ornamental ironwork — half dog-collar, half-
coronet — in that building must have sowed a separate evil
passion in my young heart. Yes; all the vulgarity, sav-
agery, and bad blood which has marred my literary work,
was certainly laid up<Jn me in that house of Satan! The
mere nullity of the building could make no positive im-
pression on me; but what could, and did, were the unnat-
urally motionless figures of the congregation in their
Sunday clothes and bonnets, and their set faces, pale with
the malignant rigidity produced by the suppression of all
expression. And yet these people were always moving and
watching one another by stealth, as convicts communicate
with one another. So was I. I had been told to keep my
restless little limbs still all through the interminable hours ;
not to talk ; and, above all, to be happy and holy there and
glad that I was not a wicked little boy playing in the fields
instead of worshipping God. I hypocritically acquiesced ;
but the state of my conscience may be imagined, especially
as I implicitly believed that all the rest of the congregation
were perfectly sincere and good. I remember at the time
dreaming one night that I was dead and had gone to
Heaven. The picture of Heaven which the efforts of the
then Established Church of Ireland had conveyed to my
childish imagination, was a waiting-room with walls of pale
sky-coloured tabbinet, and a pew-like bench running all
round, except at one corner, where there was a door. I
was, somehow, aware that God was in the next room, ac-
cessible through the door. I was seated on the bench with
my ankles tightly interlaced to prevent my legs dangling,
behaving myself with all my might before the grown-up
12
DUBLIN DAYS
people, who all belonged to the Sunday congregation, and
were either sitting on the bench as if at church or else
moving solemnly in and out as if there were a dead person
in the house. A grimly-handsome lady, who usually sat in
a corner seat near me in church, and whom I believed to
be thoroughly conversant with the arrangements of the
Almighty, was to introduce me presently into the next
room — a moment which I was supposed to await with joy
and enthusiasm. Really, of course, my heart sank like lead
within me at the thought ; for I felt that my feeble affecta-
tion of piety could not impose on Omniscience, and that
one glance of that all-searching eye would discover that
I had been allowed to come to Heaven by mistake. Unfor-
tunately for the interest of th' narrative, I woke, or wan-
dered off into another dream, before the critical moment
arrived. But it goes far enough to show that I was by no
means an insusceptible subject; indeed, I am sure, from
other early experiences of mine, that if I had been turned
loose in a real church, and allowed to wander and stare
about, or hear noble music there instead of that most
accursed i Te Deum ' of Jackson's and a senseless droning
of the ' Old Hundredth,' I should never have seized the
opportunity of a great evangelical revival, which occurred
to me when I was still in my teens, to begin my literary
career with a letter to the Press, announcing with inflexible
materialistic logic, and to the extreme horror of my respect-
able connections, that I was an atheist. When, later on,
I was led to the study of the economic basis of the respect-
ability of that and similar congregations, I was inex-
pressibly relieved to find that it represented a mere phase of
industrial confusion, and could never have substantiated its
claims to my respect, if, as a child, I had been able to bring
it to book. To this very day, whenever there is the slightest
danger of my being mistaken for a votary of the blue
tabbinet waiting-room or a supporter of that morality in
which wrong and right, base and noble, evil and good, really
mean nothing more than the kitchen and the drawing-room,
13
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
I hasten to claim honourable exemption, as atheist and
socialist, from any such complicity." *
The lesson of the selfishness and insincerity of society
ineradicably impressed upon Ibsen's mind in his childhood days
is paralleled by a similar experience in the youth of Shaw. The
ingrained snobbery of society as he saw it, the contempt for those
lower in social pretensions, if not in social station, revolted the
lad's whole nature. He soon became animated with a Carlylean
contempt for the snobbery of " respectability in its thousand
gigs." As in the case of the disconsolate Stendhal, Shaw was
not long in discovering that his family revered what he despised,
and detested what he enthusiastically admired. An incident he
relates, in illustration of this trait in his father, serves in great
measure to explain Shaw's scorn, in after life, of the blandish-
ments of the drawing-room, his intolerance of fashionable
society.
" One evening I was playing on the street with a school-
fellow of mine, when my father came home. He ques-
tioned me about this boy, who was the son of a prosperous
ironmonger. The feelings of my father, who was not pros-
perous and who sold flour by the sack, when he learned that
his son had played on the public street with the son of
a man who sold nails by the pennyworth in a shop are not
to be described. He impressed on me that my honour, my
self-respect, my human dignity, all stood upon my deter-
mination not to associate with persons engaged in retail
trade. Probably this was the worst crime my father ever
committed. And yet I do not see what else he could have
taught me, short of genuine republicanism, which is the
only possible school of good manners.
" Imagine being taught to despise a workman, and to
respect a gentleman, in a country where every rag of excuse
for gentility is stripped off by poverty ! Imagine being
* On Going to Church. This essay appeared originally in the Savoy
Magazine, January, 1896; it is now published in book form by John W.
Luce and Co., Boston, Mass.
U
DUBLIN DAYS
taught that there is one God — a Protestant and a perfect
gentleman — keeping Heaven select for the gentry; and an
idolatrous impostor called the Pope, smoothing the hell-
ward way for the mass of the people, only admissible into
the kitchens of most of the aforesaid gentry as ' thorough
servants ' (general servants) at eight pounds a yearl Im-
agine the pretensions of the English peerage on the incomes
of the English lower middle-class. I remember Stopford
Brooke one day telling me that he discerned in my books
an intense and contemptuous hatred for society. No
wonder ! though, like him, I strongly demur to the usurpa-
tion of the word ' society ' by an unsocial system of setting
class against class and creed against creed." *
As to education, in the ordinary sense, the lad had none: he
never learned anything at school. He found no incentive to
study under the tutelage of people who put Ccesar and Horace
into the hands of small boys and expected the result to be an
elegant taste and knowledge of the world. His first teacher was
his uncle, the Rev. William George Carroll, Vicar of St. Bride's,
Dublin — reputed the first Protestant clergyman in Ireland to
declare for Home Rule. We have one brief but comprehensive
glimpse of his school life at this period of immaturity : " The
word education brought to my mind four successive schools
where my parents got me out of the way for half a day. In
these creches — for that is exactly what they were — I learned
nothing. How I could have been such a sheep as to go to them,
when I could just as easily have flatly refused, puzzles and
exasperates me to this day. They did me a great deal of harm,
and no good whatever. However, my parents thought I ought
to go, being too young to have any confidence in my own
instincts. So I went. And if you can in any public way convey
to these idiotic institutions my hearty curse, you will relieve
my feelings infinitely. . . . As a schoolboy I was incorrigibly
idle and worthless. And I am proud of the fact." In the
preface to John BulVs Other Island, Shaw has referred in par-
* In the Days of My Youth. By Bernard Shaw. Mainly About Peo-
ple, 1898.
15
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
ticular to the Wesleyan Connexional School, now Wesley Col-
lege, Dublin. Here the Wesleyan catechism was taught without
protest to pupils, the majority of whom were Church (Protes-
tant Irish) boys ! So long as their sons were taught genuine
Protestantism, the parents didn't bother about the particular
brand. The school's most famous alumni are Sir Robert Hart
and Bernard Shaw. In the school roll-book Shaw is entered for
the first time as attending on April 13th, 1867. Unfortunately,
only a bare record of his class marks is given. " He seems to
have been generally near or at the bottom of his classes," said
the principal, the Rev. William Crawford, in a letter to me of
date August 6th, 1909 ; " but, perhaps typically of the man, he
jumped up suddenly to second place once in his first quarter,
and does not seem to have aspired again. He was entered in
the ' First Latin Class,' I suppose the most junior division on
the classical side." Shaw sat in class between a classic and a
mathematician, both in after years distinguished scholars. Each
did his appropriate share of young Shaw's work. In return
Shaw would narrate for their delectation, according to the
account of one of the twain, numerous stories from the Iliad
and Odyssey, in his own peculiar and inimitable vein. Shaw
was only in his tenth year when he entered the Wesleyan Con-
nexional School ; and in that year Dr. H. R. Parker, of Trinity
College, Dublin, was head master and Rev. T. A. McKee was
governor. Apparently, no picture of the old school now exists ;
the new building stands near, but not on, the site of the old
school.*
It might be imagined, from the evidence of Shaw's own con-
fessions just detailed, that it was impossible for a boy who " took
refuge in idleness " at school to acquire any sort of an educa-
tion; but such a supposition is very wide of the mark. The
discipline he received at home, the discipline of laissez faire et
laissez alter , which might have spoiled the average boy, had just
the opposite effect upon this strangely inquisitive, alarmingly
self-assertive child. If he lost somewhat in youthful gentleness
and tenderness, he gained greatly in manly determination and
* Compare Jubilee of Wesley College, Dublin, December, 1895 — being a
special number of the Wesley College Quarterly.
16
DUBLIN DAYS
independence. If he was never treated as a child, at least he
was let do what he liked. Thus the habit of freedom, which, as
he once assured me, most Englishmen and Englishwomen of
his class never acquire, came to him naturally.
One might say of Shaw's mother that she was the antithesis
of Candida on the domestic plane. In many respects she was
a forerunner of the " new woman " of our own day — inde-
pendent, self-reliant, indifferent to public opinion. She was, in
her son's phrase, " constitutionally unfitted for the sentiment of
wifehood and motherhood " ; her genuine energy and talents
were bestowed almost undividedly upon music. Not long after
her marriage to Mr. Shaw, she became the right hand of an
energetic genius, who had formed a musical society and an
orchestra in Dublin. These organizations were composed wholly
of amateurs — and unavoidably so — in view of the state of
musical activity in Dublin at the time. By all the local pro-
fessors of music this energetic genius and man of successful
ambitions, George John Vandaleur Lee, was held in the greatest
contempt, even hatred, because he had repudiated their tradi-
tions, and thereby actually trained himself to become an effective
teacher of singing. Through actual dissection, as well as by
practical singing, he studied the anatomy of the throat until
he was able, by watching and hearing a singer, to state with
certainty the exact nature of the physical processes going on.
From Badeali, an Italian opera singer, who preserved a splendid
voice to a great age, he learned the secret of voice preservation.
This method he taught to Mrs. Shaw so successfully that when
she gave up singing, late in life, it was not because her voice
failed her, but because her age made singing ridiculous.*
* Lee continued steadily to advance in his profession, becoming suc-
cessively music-teacher, opera-conductor, festival conductor, and finally
fashionable teacher of singing in Park Lane, London. He accomplished
everything that he undertook, even conducting a Handel Festival in
Dublin, participated in by Tietjens, Agnesi, and other leading singers of
the day. For several years he enjoyed great popularity in London as a
teacher of music. When he died, quite suddenly, at his home in Park
Lane, it was discovered, Shaw afterwards remarked, that he had ex-
hausted his stock of health in his Dublin period, and that the days of his
vanity in London were days of progressive decay.
17
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
Lee's twofold influence upon the young Shaw — indirectly
through Mrs. Shaw's musical activities, and directly through the
inspiration of his personal character, one of phenomenal com-
petence and unswerving determination — is very markedly visible
in the Shaw of after years, the brilliant musical critic and the
doggedly persistent seeker after worthy success and merited
fame. Mrs. Shaw studied singing under Lee, and thorough bass
under Logier. She assisted Lee in all his various and varied
enterprises, copying orchestral parts and scoring songs for him.
She led the chorus for him at the musical society; and at dif-
ferent times she appeared in operas produced and directed by
Lee, playing Azucena in II Trovatore, Donna Anna in Don
Giovanni, Margaret in Gounod's Faust, and Lucrezia Borgia in
Donizetti's opera of that name. Finally, in order to facilitate
matters, Mrs. Shaw kept house for Lee by setting up a joint
household, a sort of " blameless menage a trots " — the phrase
her son used in speaking of it to me — which lasted until 1872,
the year of Lee's departure for London.
As all these operas were rehearsed at his home, it was only
natural that Bernard Shaw should pick up, quite unconsciously,
indeed, a knowledge of that extraordinary literature of modern
music, from Bach to Wagner, with which his mother and Lee
were so familiar. While he was yet a small boy, he whistled and
sang, from the first bar to the last, not only the operas he
frequently heard, but also the many oratorios rendered from
time to time by the musical society. Indeed, Mr. Shaw once
remarked that, besides their respectability, the chief merit of his
family was a remarkable aptitude for playing all sorts of wind
instruments by ear, even his father playing " Home, Sweet
Home " upon the flute. Before he was fifteen, Bernard Shaw
knew at least one important work by Handel, Mozart, Bee-
thoven, Mendelssohn, Rossini, Bellini, Donizetti, Verdi and
Gounod from cover to cover. Not only did he whistle the
themes to himself as a street boy whistles music-hall songs, but
he also sang incessantly, to himself and for himself, opera and
oratorio, in an " absurd gibberish which was Italian picked up
by ear — and Irish Italian at that." No one ever taught him
music in his youth, but when he grew up, although he had a
18
Lucinda Elizabeth
(Gurly) Shaw.
I A
George Carr
Shaw.
George John Vandaleur Lee.
Reproduced from a copy, by Bernard Shaw, of the original photograph by Richard
Pigott. forger of the Parnell letters. Taken in 1 863.
IFacing p. 18
DUBLIN DAYS
very indifferent voice, he took some singing lessons under his»
mother. At first, he found that he could not make a rightly
produced sound that was audible two yards off. But he learned
readily, under the competent instruction of his mother, and
now his voice, " a commonplace baritone of the most ordinary
range, B flat to F, and French pitch preferred for the F," is
distinguished rather by audibility than in any other respect.
It is noteworthy that the lessons he learned from his mother —
the secrets of breathing and enunciation — proved of incalculable
value to him afterwards on the platform, in the strenuous days
of his dialectical warfare.
Although Bernard Shaw idled away his time at school, the
very real education he received through other broader and ^
deeper channels has since saved him, he stoutly maintains, from
being " at the smallest disadvantage with men who only know
the grammar and mispronunciation of the Greek and Latin poets
and philosophers." The other great motor of educational
influence in his youth was the National Gallery of Ireland; to
that cherished asylum^ which he haunted in the days of his
youth, he has often expressed his unmeasured gratitude. When-
ever he had any money, he bought volumes of the Bohn trans-
lation of Vasari ; and at fifteen he knew enough of a considerable
number of Italian and Flemish painters to recognize their work
at sight. His communion with the masterpieces preserved in
the Dublin Gallery was so solitary that he was once driven to
say, with comically extravagant egoism, that he believed he was
the only Irishman, except the officials, who had ever been there.
This acquaintance with art and the history of art " did more
for him," he once asserted, than the two cathedrals in Dublin
so magnificently " restored " out of the profits of the drink
trade. I think we must conclude, with the ever modest auto-
biographer, that, thanks to communism in pictures, he was really
a very highly educated boy.
Through lack of means, the Shaws were unable to give their
son a university education; perhaps no regret need be felt on
this score, since it is not unlikely, in view of his attitude towards
a university education, that he would have taken refuge in
idleness at Oxford, Cambridge, or Dublin, just as he had done
19
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
at the schools he had already attended. Unlike his future col-
leagues in dramatic criticism, William Archer and Arthur
Bingham Walkley, graduates of Edinburgh and Oxford re-
spectively, Shaw despised, half ignorantly, half penetratingly,
the thought of a university education, for it seemed to him to
turn out men who all thought alike and were snobs. So in 1871,
at the age of fifteen, he entered the office of an Irish land agent,
Mr. Charles Uniacke Townshend, and remained there until
March, 1876. Perhaps the Ibsenite, the Nietzschean of after
years was thus beginning a course of preliminary training:
Henri Beyle used to say that to have been a banker was to have
gone through the best preparatory school for philosophy.
During this period Bernard Shaw lived in lodgings in Dublin
with his father, who had by this time given up that furtive
drinking, of which his son in after life spoke with such frank
levity. The lad's salary at first was eighteen pounds a year,
his position that of junior clerk. He had no fondness for his
work, and took no interest in land agency ; nevertheless, he made
a very satisfactory clerk. At the end of about a year, a sudden
vacancy occurred in the most active post in the office, that of
cashier. As this involved a sort of miniature banking business
for the clients, and the daily receipt and payment of all sorts
of rents, interests, insurances, private allowances and so on, it
was a comparatively busy post, and a position of trust besides.
The junior clerk was temporarily called upon to fill the sudden
vacancy pending the engagement of a new cashier of greater
age and experience. He performed his numerous duties so suc-
cessfully that the engagement of the new man was first delayed
and then dropped. The child of fifteen, laboriously and suc-
cessfully struggling to change his sloped, straggly, weak-
minded handwriting into a fair imitation of his predecessor's, is
father of the man of forty, carefully drawing up elaborate
contracts with theatre managers, who never kept them. By
this initial exhibition of enterprise, young Shaw's salary, now
twenty-four pounds a year, was doubled, which meant a consid-
erable step ahead. The clear-cut chirography of the Shaw of
to-day and the neatness of arrangement so noticeable in his
apartments at Adelphi Terrace are the results of his early train-
20
DUBLIN DAYS
ing ; indeed, he was a remarkably correct cashier and accountant,
as one of Mr. Shaw's colleagues in the office once told me.
While he was always ignorant of the state of his own finances,
and to-day troubles little about his personal accounts, he was
never a farthing out in his accounts at the office.
Land agency in Ireland was, and is still, a socially pretentious
business. Although the position Shaw held was regarded as a
very genteel sort of post, yet to him this was no gratification,
but quite the reverse. It was saturated with a class feeling for
which, even at that time, he had an intense loathing. The posi-
tion carried with it, nevertheless, certain obvious advantages.
It secured for him the society of a set of so-called apprentices,
who were, in fact, idle young gentlemen who had paid a big
premium to be taught a genteel profession. Though the
premium was not paid to Shaw, still he took delight in teaching
his co-workers various operatic scenas, which were occasionally
in full swing when the principal or a customer would enter the
office unexpectedly. On one occasion, Mr. Shaw once told me
gleefully, a certain apprentice sang: "Ah, che la morte " in his
tower — standing on the washstand with his head appearing over
a tall screen — with such feeling and such obliviousness to all
external events, that the whole office force was suddenly struck
busy and silent by the arrival of Mr. Townshend, the senior
partner, who stared, stupended, at the bleating countenance
above the screen and finally fled upstairs, completely beaten by
the situation. The young clerk thus found plenty of fun and
diversion in his association with young men of culture and
education; this did not make him hate his work any the less.
His natural antipathy to respectability asserted itself very
early in his career: he once said that land agency was too re-
spectable for him. Moreover, the enforced repression concern-
ing his religious beliefs bred in him a spirit of discontent and
revolt. Although he realized that silence on the subject was
undoubtedly an indispensable condition of sociability among
people who disagreed strongly on such a matter, yet he chafed
under the restraint. To such a restraint he felt he could never
permanently submit. This incident alone would have had the
ultimate effect of making him a bad employee. Fortunately for
21
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
the world, it put land agency and business as a serious career
out of the question for him. The author of Widowers9 Houses
collecting rents as a lifelong profession is a ludicrous, an in-
credible incongruity. Shaw retained his place simply for the
sake of financial independence. When he gave up his position,
his employer was sorry to lose him, and, at the request of
Shaw's father, readily gave him a handsome testimonial. In
speaking of the circumstance one day, Mr. Shaw told me that
he was furious that such a demand should have been made.
Nothing could have shown more clearly his distaste for the posi-
tion he held. " Once or twice," commented Mr. Shaw, " my
employer showed himself puzzled and annoyed when some acci-
dent lifted the veil for a moment and gave him a glimpse of
the fact that his excellent and pecuniarily incorruptible clerk's
mind and interest and even intelligence were ten thousand
leagues away, in a region foreign, if not hostile." Surely this
was another age of " inspired office boys." *
In 1872, Mr. Lee left Dublin for London, the joint household
broke up, and all musical activity ceased. The return to a single
household on Mr. Shaw's income was all but impossible, for his
affairs were as unprosperous as ever. At this time there was
even some question of Bernard Shaw's two sisters becoming
professional singers. With characteristic energy and decisive-
ness, Mrs. Shaw boldly cut the Gordian knot by going to London
and becoming a professional teacher of singing. This domestic
debacle robbed young Shaw of his mother's influence, which was
always stimulating and inspiring, if somewhat indirectly and
impersonally so. It deprived him also of music, which, up to
that time, had been his daily food. This sudden deprivation of
the solace of music came to him as a distinct surprise. He had
never dreamed of such a contingency. Fortunately the piano
* In speaking of his apprenticeship as a clerk in the land office, Shavr
declares : " I should have been there still if I had not broken loose in
defiance of all prudence, and become a professional man of genius — a
resource not open to every clerk. I mention this to show that the fact
that I am not still a clerk may be regarded for the purposes of this article
as a mere accident. I am not one of those successful men who can say,
'Why don't you do as I do?'" — From Bernard Shaw as a Clerk. By
Himself in The Clerk, January, 1908.
DUBLIN DAYS
remained. Although he had never until then touched it except
to pick out a tune with one finger, he now set to work in earnest
to learn the art of piano playing. It was in a spirit of despera-
tion that he went out and bought a technical handbook of music,
containing a diagram of the keyboard. No finger exercises, no
etudes de velocite for Shaw: he at once got out Don Giovanni
and tried to play the overture! It took him ten minutes to
arrange his fingers on the notes of the first chord. " What I
suffered, what everybody in the house suffered, whilst I struggled
on, labouring through arrangements of Beethoven's symphonies,
of Tannhauser, and of all the operas and oratorios I knew, will
never be told." It was in vain now, he said, merely to sing:
" my native wood-notes wild — just then breaking frightfully —
could not satisfy my intense craving for the harmony which is
the emotional substance of music, and for the rhythmic figures
of accompaniment which are its action and movement. I had
only a single splintering voice, and I wanted an orchestra."
This musical starvation it was that drove him to the piano in
disregard of the rights of his fellow-lodgers.
" At the end of some months I had acquired a technique of
my own, as a sample of which I may offer my fingering of the
scale of C major. Instead of shifting my hand by turning
CDEFGABC
the thumb under and fingering 1231234 5, 1 passed
my fourth finger over my fifth,
CDEFGABC
and played 1234545 4.
This method has the advantage of being applicable to all
scales, diatonic or chromatic, and to this day I often fall
back on it. Liszt and Chopin hit on it too, but they never
used it to the extent I did. I soon acquired a terrible power
of stumbling through pianoforte arrangements and vocal
scores; and my reward was that I gained penetrating
experiences of Victor Hugo and Schiller from Donizetti,
Verdi, and Beethoven; of the Bible from Handel; of
Goethe from Schumann ; of Beaumarchais and Moliere from
23
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
Mozart; and of Merimee from Bizet, besides finding in
Berlioz an unconscious interpreter of Edgar Allan Poe.
When I was in the schoolboy adventure vein, I could range
from Vincent Wallace to Meyerbeer ; and if I felt piously
and genteelly sentimental, I, who could not stand the pic-
tures of Ary SchefFer or the genteel suburban sentiment of
Tennyson and Longfellow, could become quite maudlin over
Mendelssohn and Gounod. And, as I searched all the music
I came across for the sake of its poetic or dramatic content,
and played the pages in which I found poetry or drama
over and over again, whilst I never returned to those in
which the music was trying to exist ornamentally for its
own sake and had no real content at all, it soon followed
that when I came across the consciously perfect art work
in the music dramas of Wagner, I ran no risk of hopelessly
misunderstanding it as the academic musicians did. In-
deed, I soon found that they equally misunderstood Mozart
and Beethoven, though, having come to like their tunes and
harmonies, and to understand their mere carpentry, they
pointed out what they supposed to be their merits with an
erroneousness far more fatal to their unfortunate pupils
than the volley of half -bricks with which they greeted Wag-
ner (who, it must be confessed, retaliated with a volley of
whole ones fearfully well aimed)." *
Although he did a good deal of accompanying, especially in
the days of his intimacy with the Salt family, he never really
mastered the instrument. Once, in a desperate emergency, he
supplied the place of the absent half of the orchestra at a per-
formance of II Trovatore at a People's Entertainment evening
at the Victoria Theatre — and, luckily, came off without disaster.
To-day he goes to his little Bechstein piano, a relic of the first
Arts and Crafts Exhibition, and fearlessly attacks any opera or
symphony. He is his own Melba, his own Plancon, too, thanks,
as his wife pathetically explains, to " a remarkable power of
making the most extraordinary noises with his throat." He
* The Religion, of the Pianoforte, ia the Fortnightly Review, February,
1894.
DUBLIN DAYS
even revels in the pianola ! And I have shared his en j oyment in
his own rendition of a Chopin nocturne upon that remarkable
mechanical toy.
Bernard Shaw would have been a model young man at the
desk but for the fact that, like Nathaniel Hawthorne at the
Boston Custom House, like Ibsen at the apothecary's shop in
Grimstad, his heart was not in the thing. " I never made a pay-
ment," he once frankly confessed to me, " without a hope or
even a half resolve that I should never have to make it again.
In spite of which, I was so wanting in enterprise and so shy and
helpless in worldly matters (though I believe I had the air of
being quite the reverse), that six months later I found myself
making the payment again."
There gradually came to him a consciousness of the futility of
his life, the consciousness of one who has been freed of illusion.
In this young boy was none of the soft-blarney, the winning and
dulcet melancholy, of the proverbial Irishman. He escaped that
mystic influence of Roman Catholicism, which produces the
phantast, the dreamer and the saint. Calvinism had taught him
that " once a man is born it is too late to save him or damn
him ; you may ' educate ' him and ' form his character ' until
you are black in the face ; he is predestinate, and his soul cannot
be changed any more than a silk purse can be changed into a
sow's ear." In the atmosphere of the Island of the Saints —
" that most mystical of all mystical things " — he learned to
realize the barrenness of all else in comparison with the supreme
importance of realizing the purpose of his existence on this
earth.
Hence it was that his work and position finally became unbear-
ably irksome, unendurable. London imperatively beckoned to
him. That way, perhaps, lay freedom from the obsession of
hated respectability, freedom from repression of his convictions,
freedom for self-development and spiritual expansion. At the
age of twenty, this raw Irish lad, wholly ignorant of the great
•world, walked out of his office, and threw himself recklessly into
London. There, immediately after the death of his sister Agnes
in the* Isle of Wight, in 1876, he joined his mother in la lutte
25
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
pour la vie* There he was to set the crystalline intellectual
clarity, the philosophic consciousness of the brilliant Celt, into
sharp juxtaposition with the plodding practicality, the dogged
energy of the complacent Briton. There he was to find the
arena for his championship of those advanced movements in art,
music, literature and politics, which give significance and char-
acter to the closing quarter of the nineteenth century.
In these early years we may discern in Shaw the gradual birth
of the social consciousness, the slow unfolding of deep-rooted
impulses toward individualism and self-expression. Like other
boys of his day and time, Shaw melted lead on Holieve, hid
rings in pancakes, and indulged in the conventional mummeries
of Christmas. But to him these were dreary, silly diversions,
against which his nature rebelled. He once refused to celebrate
Shakespeare's birthday — for the very good reason that he had
never celebrated his own. In the conventional sense, he was
never " reared " at all : he simply " grew up wild." No effort
was made to form his character: he developed from within,
strangely aloof in spirit from the healthy gaieties of the normal
lad. Thus was bred in him, even at an early age, a sort of
premature asceticism which left its indelible mark upon his
character. The puritanic convictions which have animated his
entire life find their origin in the half -instinctive, half-enforced
aloofness of his childhood days.
Shaw was not brought up, as we might expect, a Noncon-
formist ; he was a member of the Irish Protestant Church. He
rebelled against the inhuman repression, the meaningless ritual-
ism of his church; but the influences of his home, nevertheless,
left their impress upon his nature. His whole long life is an
outcry of soaring individualism against repressive authority;
and yet the puritan intensity in condemnation of self-indulgence,
the ascetic revolt from alcoholism, speaks forth unmistakably
in the humanitarian, the vegetarian, the teetotaller of a later
epoch.
*Mr. Shaw's other sister, Miss Lucy Carr Shaw, was the immediate
cause of her mother's settling in London. She became a professional
singer, and, later, a writer. Her best known book is entitled Five Letters
of the House of Kildonnel.
26
DUBLIN DAYS
The ingrained and constitutional protestantism of his forbears
found expression in his boyish, yet rigorously atheistic protest
against the religion of Moody and Sankey. In this audacious
protest we can scarcely expect to find any sort of matured con-
viction; it is the first bold denial of his life. Thus early we
observe the workings of polemic, of criticism and analysis —
before he had ever left Irish soil. Even then, I fancy, he felt
faint stirrings of a deeper religious protestant faith. In that
protest, we may discern a forecast of the Plays for Puritans and
The Shomng-up of Blanco Posnet.
Thrown upon his own resources, sharing with his fellows none
of the wholesome and joyous foolhardiness of youth, he devel-
oped a maturity of judgment, a detachment in observation, out
of all proportion to his years. His puritanism expressed itself
in silent condemnation of the social self -righteousness he saw
around him, the distinctions so sharply drawn on lines, not of
individual worth, but of social station and respectability. That
arresting passage in Man and Superman in which he describes
the birth of the social passion is a piece of spiritual auto-
biography: it changed the child into the man. There was
already at work within him the leaven of the later social revolu-
tion of our own day. Intensity of political conviction was
a family tradition and heritage. In the eighteenth century
a Shaw had been leader of the " Orangemen " ; and in the nine-
teenth century one of Shaw's uncles was the first Protestant
priest in Ireland who, contrary to the convictions of his com-
panions in creed, declared himself in favour of Home Rule. By
heritage, by environment, by temperament, Bernard Shaw was
destined to display throughout his life that intensity of political
conviction, that depth of humanitarian concern, that passion for
social service which will for ever remain associated with his name.
27
LONDON
"My destiny was to educate London, but I had neither studied my
pupil nor related my ideas properly to the common stock of human knowl-
edge."— George Bernard Shorn; an Interview, in The Chap-Book, Novem-
ber, 1896.
CHAPTER II
"^^THEN did you first feel inclined to write?" Shaw was
V V once asked. " I never felt inclined to write, any more
than I ever felt inclined to breathe," was his perverse reply.
1 1 felt inclined to draw : Michael Angelo was my boyish ideal.
I felt inclined to be a wicked baritone in an opera when I grew
out of my earlier impulse towards piracy and highway robbery.
You see, as I couldn't draw, I was perfectly well aware that
drawing was an exceptional gift. But it never occurred to
me that my literary sense was exceptional. I gave the whole
world credit for it. The fact is, there is nothing 'miraculous,
nothing particularly interesting, even, in a natural faculty to
the man who has it. The amateur, the collector, the enthusiast
in an art, is the man who lacks the faculty for producing it.
The Venetian wants to be a cavalry soldier ; the Gaucho wants to
be a sailor ; the fish wants to fly, and the bird to swim. No, I
never wanted to write. I know now, of course, the value and
the scarcity of the literary faculty (though I think it over-
rated) ; but I still don't want it." And he added: " You cannot
want a thing and have it, too."
That Shaw did want to write, however, is clearly shown by
the early outpourings of the artistic mood in the imaginative
boy. When he was quite small, he concocted a short story and
sent it to some boys' journal — something about a man with a
gun attacking another man in the Glen of the Doons. In after
years, spiritual adventures fired his soul; at this time, the gun
was the centre of interest. The mimetic instinct of childhood
in his case, however, found incentives to the development of
almost every artistic faculty other than writing. His hours
spent in the National Gallery of Ireland, his study of the
literature of Italian art, filled him with the desire to be another
Michael Angelo; but he couldn't draw. Like Browning, Shaw
wished to be an artist, and, like Browning also, he wished to
31
Shaw,^^^
r WHt years
*
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
be a musician. He heard music from the rising of the sun unto
the going down of the same ; he knew whole operas and oratorios.
He wanted to be a musician, but couldn't play ; to be a dramatic
singer, but had no voice. The facile conqueror of every literary
domain, mocked in later life with the accusation of being a sort
of literary Jack-of-all-trades, was only puzzled as a youth to
discover in himself a single promising potentiality.
A casual remark of an acquaintance first startled Shaw,
in his teens, into recognition of the fact that he lacked^
of final consciousness in regard to his own position ai
The apprentice in the land agency office, eight orTi^^eal
Shaw's senior, who sang, " Ah, che la morte " with such deadly
effect, one day happened to obse&fijfefrat every young fellow
thinks that he is going to be a^B w until he is twenty.
" The shock that this gave me,"J Ew once confessed to
me with perfect naive^L " made me suddenly aware that this
was my own precise^ ™on. But k \lry brief consideration
reassured me — why, Vj Vt know ; for I could do nothing that
gave me the smallest hope of making good my calm classification
of myself as one of the world to which Shelley and Mozart and
Praxiteles and Michael Angelo belonged, and as totally foreign
to the plane on which land agents laboured."
In Cashel Byron's Profession, the hero, a prize-fighter, re-
marks that it is not what a man would like to do, but what he
can do, that he must work at in this world. Naturally enough,
Bernard Shaw, the young lad in his teens, had not yet come to
any sort of artistic self-consciousness. Shaw may be said to
have spent half of his life in the search for the Ultima Thule
of what he could do. And it is by no means certain, judging
from the lesson of his career, that he has yet discovered all of
his capabilities. Certain it is that, at this formative stage in
his career, he had found only one: the ability to keep — not to
write — books. Mr. Shaw once pictured for me his state of
dejection at this time over his inefficiency and incompetence.
" What was wrong with me then was the want of self-respect,
the diffidence, the cowardice of the ignoramus and the duffer.
What saved me was my consciousness that I must learn to do
something — that nothing but the possession of skill, of efficiency,
LONDON
f
£ of mastery, in short, was of any use. The sort of aplomb
% which my cousins seemed to derive from the consciousness that
their great-great-grandfather had also been the great-great-
grandfather of Sir Robert Shaw, of Bushy Park, was denied to
me. You cannot be imposed on by remote baronets if you
belong to the republic of art. I was chronically ashamed and
even miserable simply because I couldn't do anything. It is
true that I could keep Mr. Townshend's cash, and that I never
dreamt of stealing it ; and riper years have made me aware that
many of my artistic feats may be less highly estimated in the
books of the Recording Angel than this prosaic achievement;
but at this time it counted for less than nothing. It was a
qualification for what I hated; and the notion of my principal
actually giving me a testimonial to my efficiency as a cashier
drove me to an exhibition of rage that must have seemed merely
perverse to my unfortunate father."
In these days of inarticulate revolt against current religious
and social ideals, Shaw somehow found an outlet for that seeth-
ing lava of his spirit, which was one day to burst forth with
such alarming effect. This, Shaw's first published work, was
the forthright letter in Public Opinion, in which he sought to
stem the force of the first great Moody and Sankey revival by
the announcement that he, personally, had renounced religion as
a delusion ! Besides this single public vent for his insurgency,
he had found, in the friendship of a kindred spirit of imagina-
tive temperament, the opportunity for the expression of all the
doubts, hopes and aspirations of his eager and revolutionary
intelligence. With one of his schoolfellows, Shaw struck up
a curious friendship: this young fellow, Edward McNulty, was
afterwards known as the author of Misther O'Ryan, The Son
of a Peasant, and Maureen,* three very original and very re-
markable novels of Irish life. Both boys possessed imaginative
temperaments, and their association gave promise of ripening
into close and lasting friendship. But circumstances separated
them so effectually that, after their schooldays, they saw very
little of each other. McNulty was an official in the Bank of
* These books were published by Edward Arnold.
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
Ireland, and had been drafted to the Newry branch of the insti-
tution, while Shaw, as we know, was in Mr. Townshend's land
office in Dublin. During the period of their separation, between
Shaw's fifteenth and twentieth years, they kept up a tremendous
correspondence. In this way they probably worked off the
literary energy which usually produces early works. The im-
mense letters, sometimes illustrated with crude drawings and
enlivened by brief dramas, which came and went with each post,
served as " exhausts " for the superfluous steam of their literary
force. It was understood between them that the letters were to
be destroyed as soon as answered, as their authors did not relish
the possibility of such unreserved soul histories falling into
strange hands.
I believe that Shaw perpetrated one more long correspondence,
this time with an unnamed English lady, whose fervently imag-
inative novels would have made her known, Shaw once asserted,
had he been able to persuade her to make her name public, or
at least to stick to the same pen name, instead of changing it
for every book. Shaw also made one valuable acquaintance at
this time through the accident of coming to lodge in the same
house with him. This was Chichester Bell, of the family of
that name distinguished for its inventive genius, a cousin of
Graham Bell, the inventor of the telephone, and a nephew
of Melville Bell, the inventor of the phonetic script known as
Visible Speech. The author of the Standard Elocutionist, Chi-
chester Bell's father, whom Shaw has described as by far the
most majestic and imposing looking man that ever lived on
this or any other planet, was the elocution professor in one of
the schools attended by Shaw in his youth, the Wesleyan Con-
nexional, now Wesley College, attendance at which, we may
be sure from Shaw's case, by no means implied Methodism.*
Although a qualified physician, Chichester Bell did not care for
medical practice, and had gone to Germany, where he devoted
himself to the study of chemistry and physics in the school
of Helmholtz. Shaw's intercourse with Bell proved to be of
great value to him. They studied Italian together, and while
*Cf. John Bull's Other Island; Preface for Politicians, p. xvii.
LONDON
Shaw did not learn Italian with any final thoroughness, he
learned a great deal else, chiefly about physics and pathology.
It was through his association with Bell that he had come to
read Tyndall and Trousseau's " Clinical Lectures." But Bell
is to be remembered chiefly in relation to Shaw, as first calling
his serious attention to Wagner. When Shaw discovered that
Bell, whose judgment he held in high regard, considered Wagner
a great composer, he at once bought a vocal score of Lohengrm,
which chanced to be the only sample to be had at the Dublin
music shops. From this moment dates the career of the re-
markable music critic, who, in after life, swept Max Nordau
off the field with his brilliant and unanswerable defence of the
master-builder of modern music. For the first few bars of
Lohengrin completely converted him. He immediately became,
and ever afterwards remained, the " Perfect Wagnerite."
The days of Shaw's youth before he went to London, as we
have seen, were poisoned because he was taught to bow down
to proprietary respectability. But even in his " unfortunate
childhood," as he calls it, his heart was so unregenerate that he
secretly hated, and rebelled against, mere respectability. In
after life, he found it impossible to express the relief with which
he discovered that his heart was all along right, and that the
current respectability of to-day is " nothing but a huge inversion
of righteous and scientific social order weltering in dishonesty,
uselessness, selfishness, wanton misery, and idiotic waste of mag-
nificent opportunity for noble and happy living." Not the
evangelist's but the true reformer's zeal was always Shaw's.
He had too much insight not to recognize the futility of the
effort to reform individuals ; his humanitarian spirit was imper-
sonal and found its freest manifestation in fulmination and
revolt against social institutions. Concerning the unsocial sys-
tem of setting class against class, and creed against creed, he
has mordantly expressed himself :
" If I had not suffered from these things in my childhood,
perhaps I could keep my temper about them. To an out-
sider there is nothing but comedy in the spectacle of a for-
lorn set of Protestant merchants in a Catholic country, led
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
by a miniature plutocracy of stockholders, doctors and
land agents, and flavoured by that section of the landed
gentry who are too heavily mortgaged to escape to Lon-
don, playing at being a court and an aristocracy with the
assistance of the unfortunate exile who has been persuaded
to accept the post of lord-lieutenant. To this pretence,
involving a prodigious and continual lying, as to incomes
and the social standing of relations, are sacrificed citizen-
ship, self-respect, freedom of thought, sincerity of char-
acter, and all the realities of life, its votaries gaining in
return the hostile estrangement of the great mass of their
fellow countrymen, and in their own class the supercilious
snubs of those who have outdone them in pretension and
the jealous envy of those whom they have outdone."
The power which he found in Ireland religious enough to
redeem him from this abomination of desolation was, fitly
enough, the power of art. " My mother, as it happened, had
a considerable musical talent. In order to exercise it seriously
she had to associate with other people who had musical talent.
My first childish doubt as to whether God could really be a good
Protestant was suggested by my observation of the deplorable
fact that the best voices available for combination with my
mother's in the works of the great composers had been unac-
countably vouchsafed to Roman Catholics. Even the divine
gentility was presently called in question, for some of these
vocalists were undeniably connected with retail trade."
The situation in which Mrs. Shaw found herself offered no
alternative. " There was no help for it ; if my mother was to
do anything but sing silly ballads in drawing-rooms she had
to associate herself on an entirely republican footing with people
of like artistic gifts, without the smallest reference to creed or
class. Nay, if she wished to take part in the masses of Haydn
and Mozart, which had not then been forgotten, she must actu-
ally permit herself to be approached by Roman Catholic priests
and even, at their invitation, to enter that house of Belial, the
Roman Catholic chapel (in Ireland the word church, as applied
to a place of worship, denotes the Protestant denomination),
36
LONDON
and take part in their services. All of which led directly to the
discovery, hard to credit at first, that a Roman Catholic priest
could be as agreeable and cultivated a person as a Protestant
clergyman was supposed, in defiance of bitter experience, always
to be ; and, in short, that the notion that the courtly distinctions
of Dublin society corresponded to any real human distinctions
was as ignorant as it was pernicious. If religion is that which
binds men to one another, and irreligion that which sunders,
then must I testify that I found the religion of my country in
its musical genius and its irreligion in its churches and drawing-
rooms."
It was unerring common sense on the domestic plane,
acquiescence in the sole solution of a flinty problem of life,
which reveals Shaw's mother to us as the parent from whom
he derived his determination, and his firm grip on practical
affairs. In marked contradistinction to Lee, Mrs. Shaw made
no concessions to fashion, firmly adhering to her master's old
method in all its rigour. She behaved with complete inde-
pendence of manner and speech in the mode of an Irish lady
confronted with English people openly describing themselves as
" middle-class." On account of this characteristic independence
her first experiences in London were unfortunate and dishearten-
ing. Not until she began to teach choirs in schools did she enter
upon the road of complete success. The results she produced
in these undertakings so pleased the inspectors — and more par-
ticularly the parents at the prize distributions — that the head
mistresses were sensible enough to let her go her own way.
Quite a conclusive proof of her ability is found in the fact that
this remarkable woman, vigorous and young-minded to-day
although now in the seventies, worked at that famous modern
institution, the North Collegiate School for Girls, until quite
recently. For some years she sought to retire for the same
reason that she stopped singing: to her Irish sense of humour
there was an element almost of the ridiculous in a first-rate
school having an old woman of between seventy and eighty wave
a stick and conduct a choir. But D. Sophia Bryant, the prin-
cipal and an old friend of hers, could not see her way to change
for the better, and it was only within the last year or two
37
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
that Mrs. Shaw retired from her post. No doubt Mrs. Bryant
was right; for Mr. Shaw once remarked to me that it was not
an easy matter to find a woman in England who perfectly com-
bines the ability to take command in music with the knowledge
of music as an artist, and not as a school-mistress who has super-
ficially studied the subject for the sake of the certificates and
the position.
Mr. Shaw's mother is the most remarkably youthful person
for her years I have ever known, with the possible exception of
Mark Twain. I remember with vivid pleasure taking tea with
her and her son one afternoon at her attractive little " retreat "
in West London. Her eyes danced with suppressed mirth as she
talked, and it was quite easy to see from whom her son derived
his strong sense of humour. Mrs. Shaw told several delightful
stories, one of which deserves repetition here. It seems that
Mrs. Shaw is quite a medium and spiritualist, and takes a great
deal of interest in communicating with " spirits " from the other
world. One day she " called up " Mr. Shaw's sister and asked
her what she thought of George being such a distinguished man.
The spirit expressed surprise to hear the news. " But aren't
you very proud of George? " queried his mother disappointedly.
"Oh, yes," replied the spirit; "it's all very well in its way.
But," she added, " that sort of thing doesn't count for anything
up here " !
Many of Mr. Shaw's very distinctive traits are a direct in-
heritance from his mother, modified, to be sure, by the differences
in education, temperament and views of life. In her teaching
of music, Mrs. Shaw deliberately displayed total insensibility to
the petty dignities so cherished in English school-life. Upon
visiting rectors, head mistresses, local " personages," and, in
fact, upon all those who wished things done their own way,
she made what her son called " perfectly indiscriminate on-
slaughts." This aggressive assertion of her authority would
often have made her position untenable, had it not been for her
patent ability and unquestioned power of leadership. Her out-
spoken frankness of manner and conduct, reproduced with such
comically extravagant excess in her son, always won her the
support of the discriminating : it was always the real " bigwigs "
38
LONDON
who understood her manners. Mr. Shaw once said : " From
my mother I derive my brains and character, which do her
credit." I remember asking Mr. Shaw's mother one day to
what she attributed her son's remarkable success in the world of
letters. " Oh," she said, without a moment's hesitation, her eyes
twinkling merrily the while, " the answer is quite simple. Of
course, he owes it all to me."
To his parents, his mother in particular, Mr. Shaw is also
indebted for actual financial support during several years of
an able-bodied young manhood. But he has warned us against
supposing, because he is a man of letters, that he never tried to
commit that " sin against his nature " called earning an honest
living. We have followed his struggles from his fifteenth to
his twentieth year — a period marking a social and spiritual
growth on his part, he maintains, of several centuries. " I was
born on the outskirts of an Irish city, where we lived exactly
as people lived in the seventeenth century, except that there
were gas-lamps and policemen in tall hats. In the course of my
boyhood literature and music introduced me to the eighteenth
century; and I was helped a step further through the appear-
ance in our house of candles that did not need snuffing, an iron-
framed pianoforte and typhoid sanitation. Finally, I crossed
St. George's Channel into the decadence of the mid-nineteenth-
century England of Anthony Trollope, and slowly made my
way to the forefront of the age— the period of Ibsen, Nietzsche,
the Fabian Society, the motor-car, and my own writings."
Very slowly indeed did he make his way to the forefront of the
age of Shavianism. He felt that he was a man of genius, and
coolly classified himself as such. With no effort of the imagina-
tion, and, likewise, with no prevision of his subsequent oft-
repeated failures and the position of pecuniary dependence he
was temporarily to occupy, he found himself looking upon Lon-
don as his destiny. There is something at once amusing, inspir-
ing, and pathetic in the spectacle of this bashful, raw, inex-
perienced boy, fortified only by the confident consciousness of
his yet unproved superiority to the " common run " of humanity,
throwing himself thus headlong into London.
Little of romantic glamour, fittingly enough, attaches to
39
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
Shaw's early struggles in London. No rapt listening to the
songs of rival nightingales, Keats and Shelley, as with Brown-
ing; no impetuous and clandestine marriage, as with Sheridan;
no roses and raptures of la vie Boheme, as with Zola. It is,
instead, for the most part a tale of consistent literary drudgery,
rewarded by continual and repeated failures. The rare and
individual style of the satirist, the deft fingering of the drama-
tist were wholly undeveloped, and even unsuspected, during this
tentative period in his career. He turned his hand to various
undertakings — to musical criticism, to versifying, to blank-
versifying, to novel-writing; but all equally to no purpose.
Asked once what was his first real success, he replied : " Never
had any. Success in that sense is a thing that comes to you
and takes your breath away. What came to me was invariably
failure. By the time I wore it down I knew too much to care
about either failure or success. Life is like a battle; you have
to fire a thousand bullets to hit one man. I was too busy firing
to bother about the scoring. As to whether I ever despaired,
you will find somewhere in my works this line : ' He who has
never hoped can never despair.' I am not a fluctuator." His
self-sufficiency, even at this time, was proof against all discour-
agement. Perhaps he found consolation also in the saying: " He
who is down need fear no fall."
Shaw never experienced any poverty of spirit, of determina-
tion, or of will; his poverty was pecuniary only. Until the
time of his marriage he remained secure from the accusation
of being the mould of fashion or the glass of form. While the
Shaw of matrimonial respectability bears all the marks of his
wife's civilizing influence in the matter of a costume de rigueur
— fashionable clothes, patent-leather boots, and even, on rare
occasions, a " stiff " collar — his dress in the late seventies and
for twenty years thereafter was usually, like that of March-
banks, strikingly anarchic. His outward appearance, as some-
one unkindly remarked, suggested that he might be a fairly re-
spectable plasterer ! " Now," said Shaw in 1896, " when people
reproach me with the unfashionableness of my attire, they forget
that to me it seems like the raiment of Solomon in all his glory
by contrast with the indescribable seediness of those days, when
40
LONDON
I trimmed my cuffs to the quick with scissors, and wore a tall
hat and soi-disant black coat, green with decay." But the pov-
erty of which this attire was the outward, visible sign was
" shortness of cash," as numerous personal reminiscences show.
From the depressing and devitalizing effects of " real poverty "
he was strong enough to free himself, as the following auto-
biographical confidence clearly evidences:
" Whilst I am not sure that the want of money lames a
poor man more than the possession of it lames a rich one,
I am quite sure that the class which has the pretensions and
prejudices and habits of the rich without its money, and
the poverty of the poor without the freedom to avow
poverty — in short, the people who don't go to the theatre
because they cannot afford the stalls and are ashamed to
be seen in the gallery — are the worst-off of all. To be on
the down grade from the haute bourgeoisie and the landed
gentry to the nadir at which the younger son's great-
grandson gives up the struggle to keep up appearances;
to have the pretence of a culture without the reality of it ;
to make three hundred pounds a year look like eight hun-
dred pounds in Ireland or Scotland ; or five hundred pounds
look like one thousand pounds in London; to be educated
neither at the Board School and the Birkbeck nor at the
University, but at some rotten private adventure academy
for the sons of gentlemen; to try to maintain a select
circle by excluding all the frankly poor people from it,
and then find that all the rest of the world excludes you —
that is poverty at its most damnable; and yet from that
poverty a great deal of our literature and journalism has
sprung. Think of the frightful humiliation of the boy
Dickens in the blacking warehouse, and his undying resent-
ment of his mother's wanting him to stay there — all on
a false point of genteel honour. Think of Trollope, at an
upper-class school with holes in his trousers, because his
father could not bring himself to dispense with a man-
servant. Ugh ! Be a tramp or be a millionaire — it matters
little which: what does matter is being a poor relation of
41
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
the rich; and that is the very devil. Fortunately, that
sort of poverty can be cured by simply shaking off its
ideas — cutting your coat according to your cloth, and not
according to the cloth of your father's second cousin, the
baronet. As I was always more or less in rebellion against
those ideas, and finally shook them off pretty completely, I
cannot say that I have much experience of real poverty — ■
quite the contrary." *
With that comic seriousness which always passes for out-
rageous prevarication, Shaw has related that during the nine
years from 1876 to 1885 his adventures in literature netted him
the princely sum of exactly six pounds. At first he " devilled "
for a musical critic ; but his notices " led to the stoppage of
all the concert advertisements and ruined the paper " — " which
died — partly of me." He also began a Passion Play in blank
verse, with the mother of the hero represented as a termagant.
Ah, if that play had only been finished ! But Shaw never car-
ried through these customary follies of young authors, unless we
agree with those who classify his novels as follies of a green
boy. "I was always, fortunately for me," Mr. Shaw once
remarked, " a failure as a trifler. All my attempts at Art for
Art's sake broke down ; it was like hammering tenpenny nails into
sheets of notepaper."
One finds it an easy matter to believe him when he tells us,
not only that he was provincial, unpresentable, but, more broadly
speaking, that he was in an impossible position. " I was a
foreigner — an Irishman, the most foreign of all foreigners when
he has not gone through the University mill. I was . . . not
uneducated; but, unfortunately, what I knew was exactly what
the educated Englishman did not know, and what he knew — I
either didn't know or didn't believe." Six pounds was a very
small allowance for a growing young man, even a struggling
author, to live on for nine years. Even if we match him with
equal scepticism, at least we can discover, as will be seen, no
* Who I Am, and What I Think, by G. Bernard Shaw. Part I.— In the
Candid Friend, May 11th, 1901.
42
LONDON
error in his arithmetical calculations. After Shaw had hounded
the musical critic and his paper to the grave, London absolutely
refused to tolerate him on any terms. As the nine years pro-
gressed, he had one article accepted by Mr. G. R. Sims, who
had just started a short-lived paper called One and All. " It
brought me fifteen shillings. Full of hope and gratitude, I
wrote a really brilliant contribution. That finished me." Dur-
ing this period, he received his greatest fee — five pounds — for
a patent medicine advertisement, a circumstance which may
give some colour to Dr. Meyerfeld's early denunciation of Shaw
as a " quacksalver." On another occasion, a publisher asked
Shaw for some verses to fit some old blocks which he had bought
up for a school prize book. " I wrote a parody of the thing
he wanted and sent it as a j oke. To my stupefaction he thanked
me seriously, and paid me five shillings." Shaw was so much
touched by the gift of five shillings for his parody that he wrote
the generous publisher a serious verse for another picture.
With the startling result that the publisher took it as a joke in
questionable taste ! Is it any wonder that Shaw's career as
a versifier abruptly ended?
The analysis of the artistic temperament which Shaw puts in
the mouth of John Tanner — an analysis which Mr. Robert
Loraine finds to smack more of mania than of insincerity — ■
is a cynical and distorted picture at best. And yet it gives
us a refracted glimpse of the position which Shaw himself
deliberately assumed. " The true artist," Tanner rattles on,
" will let his wife starve, his children go barefoot, his
mother drudge for his living at seventy, sooner than work
at anything but his art. To women he is half vivisector, half
vampire. He gets into intimate relations with them to study
them, to strip the mask of convention from them, to surprise
their inmost secrets, knowing that they have the power to rouse
his deepest creative energies, to rescue him from his cold reason,
to make him see visions and dream dreams, to inspire him, as he
calls it. He persuades women that they may do this for their
own purpose, whilst he really means them to do it for his."
After various attempts " to earn an honest living," Shaw gave
up trying to commit that sin against his nature, as he puts it.
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
His last attempt was in 1879, we are told, " when a company
was formed in London to exploit an ingenious invention by Mr.
Thomas Alva Edison — a much too ingenious invention, as it
proved, being nothing less than a telephone of such stentorian
efficiency that it bellowed your most private communications all
over the house instead of whispering them with some sort of
discretion." His interest in physics, his acquaintance with the
works of Tyndall and Helmholtz, and his friendship with Mr.
Chichester Bell, of which mention has been made, gave him, he
asserts, the customary superiority over those about him which
he is in the habit of claiming in all the relations of life. While
he remained with the company only a few months, he discharged
his duties in a manner, which, according to his own outrageous
and comically prevaricative assertion, " laid the foundation of
Mr. Edison's London reputation."
After this experience, he began, as he says, to lay the founda-
tions of his own fortune " by the most ruthless disregard of all
the quack duties which lead the peasant lad of fiction to the
White House, and harness the real peasant boy to the plough
until he is finally swept, as rubbish, into the workhouse." Far
from being a " peasant lad," who climbed manfully upward
from the lowest rung of the social ladder, he was in reality the
son of a gentleman who had an income of at least three figures
(four, if you count in dollars instead of pounds), and was second
cousin to a baronet. " I never climbed any ladder : I have
achieved eminence by sheer gravitation; and I hereby warn all
peasant lads not to be duped by my pretended example into
regarding their present servitude as a practicable first step to
a celebrity so dazzling that its subject cannot even suppress his
own bad novels."
Shaw seems intent upon convincing us that, like the artist of
his own description, he was an atrocious egotist in his disregard
of others ; but we must take his confessions with the customary
grain of salt. " I was an able-bodied and able-minded young
man in the strength of my youth ; and my family, then heavily
embarrassed, needed my help urgently. That I should have
chosen to be a burden to them instead was, according to all the
conventions of peasant fiction, monstrous. Well, without a blush
44
LONDON
I embraced the monstrosity. I did not throw myself into the
struggle for life : I threw my mother into it. I was not a staff
to my father's old age : I hung on to his coat tails. His reward
was to live just long enough to read a review of one of these
silly novels written in an obscure journal by a personal friend
of my own (now eminent in literature as Mr. John Mackinnon
Robertson) prefiguring me to some extent as a considerable
author. I think, myself, that this was a handsome reward, far
better worth having than a nice pension from a dutiful son
struggling slavishly for his parents' bread in some sordid trade.
Handsome or not, it was the only return he ever had for the
little pension he contrived to export from Ireland for his family.
My mother reinforced it by drudging in her elder years at the
art of music which she had followed in her prime freely for love.
I only helped to spend it. People wondered at my heartlessness :
one young and romantic lady had the courage to remonstrate
openly and indignantly with me, ' for the which,' as Pepys said
of the shipwright's wife who refused his advances, ' I did respect
her.' Callous as Comus to moral babble, I steadily wrote my five
pages a day and made a man of myself (at my mother's ex-
pense) instead of a slave."
In Shaw's opinion, his brain constituted the sum and sub-
stance of his riches. The projection and exposition of his ex-
perience came to be the most urgent need and object of his life.
He recognized a higher duty than merely earning his living:
the fulfilment of his individual destiny. He resolved to become
a writer. In this resolve to dedicate all his powers to the art of
self-expression, lies the explanation of his strange words : " My
mother worked for my living instead of preaching that it was
my duty to work for hers; therefore, take off your hat to her
and blush." *
Although it was a " frightful squeeze " at times, Shaw was
not wholly destitute. A suit of evening clothes and the knack
of playing a " simple accompaniment at sight more congenially
to a singer than most amateurs," gave him " for a fitful year
* The Irrational Knot, Preface to the American edition of 1905, Bren-
tanos, N. Y.
45
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
or so," the entree into the better circle of musical society in
London.
In this latter day of his assertion that money controls moral-
ity, Shaw is perfectly consistent in speaking of his poverty and
quotidian shabbiness as the two " disgusting faults " of his
youth. But at the time he did not recognize them as faults,
because he could not help them. " I therefore tolerated the
gross error that poverty, though an inconvenience and a trial,
is not a sin and a disgrace: and I stood for my self-respect
on the things I had: probity, ability, knowledge of art, labori-
ousness, and whatever else came cheaply to me." A certain pride
of birth, a consciousness of worthy ancestry, also sustained him,
and helped him to triumph over circumstance. It was this same
feeling which gave him suavity and poise during the later cam-
paigns of his revolutionary Socialism, and saved him from the
excesses, the blind fur}', of the mere proletarian. He had a
magnificent library in Bloomsbury, a priceless picture-gallery in
Trafalgar Square, and another at Hampton Court, without any
servants to look after or rent to pay. During these years
Shaw's gain in the cultivation of his musical and artistic tastes
more than compensated for his lack of the advantages of wealth.
Nor were his essays in literature and criticism — I do not refer
to his playful dilettantism — profitless in any real sense. It is
true that innumerable articles were consistently returned to
him; and yet he went his way undismayed, slowly saturating
himself with Italian art from Mantegna to Michael Angelo,
with the best music from London to Bayreuth. And while
London had not " caught his tone," musical or otherwise, at
this time, the day was to come in which he should reap the
reward for his critical knowledge of art and music, for the
rare and individual style which he was slowly perfecting.
To the student of Shaw as the litterateur — the highwayman
who " held up " so many different forms of art — the chief in-
terest of this period is to be found in the five novels which he
wrote during the five years from 1879 to 1883 — an average of
one a year. His first novel, written in 1879, and called, " with
merciless fitness " as Shaw says, Immaturity, was never pub-
lished ; and we are told that even the rats were unable to finish
46
„
From a photo by] [Window <(■ Grove.
SHAW AT THE AGE OF TWENTY-THREE.
From a photograph taken in London, July 4th, 1 879.
[Facing p. 46
LONDON
it. George Meredith, the novelist, who was a reader and literary
adviser for the publishing firm of Chapman and Hall, London,
from 1860 to 1897, rejected the manuscript of Immaturity, sans
phrase — quickly disposing of it with a laconic " No." The
remaining four have all been published, in magazines and in
book-form, either in England or America. Shaw " turned them
out," one each year, with unvarying regularity and also with
unvarying result: refusal by the publishers. That six pounds
which Shaw earned in nine years must certainly have gone a
long way — as postage stamps.
Mr. Shaw has carefully explained to us why his works were
refused by publisher after publisher. And I find no reason to
question his explanation to the effect that it was the world-old
struggle between literary conscience and public taste. The more
he progressed towards his own individual style, and ventured
upon the freer expression of his own ideas, the more he disap-
pointed the " grave, elderly lovers of literature." As to the
regular novel-publishing houses, whose readers were merely on
the scent of popularity, they gave him, we are told, no quarter
at all. " And so between the old stool of my literary conscien-
tiousness and the new stool of a view of life that did not reach
publishing point in England until about ten years later, when
Ibsen drove it in, my novels fell to the ground."
We may omit for the present any discussion of the validity of
Mr. Shaw's claims as a " fictionist." But the story of the cir-
cumstances under which the novels finally found their way into
print is certainly worthy of narration. It was in 1882 that
Henry George, by a speech during one of the public meetings
at the Memorial Hall, Farringdon Street, London, fired Shaw
to enlist, in Heine's phrase, " as a soldier in the Liberative War
of Humanity." * About this time a body, styling itself the
Land Reform Union, which still survives as the English Land
Restoration League, was formed to propagate Georgite Land
Nationalization. The official mouthpiece of this body was called,
if memory serves, the Christian Socialist, which did not last
long, owing, as Shaw said, to a lack of Christians. Shaw made
* Cf. Chapter IV., The Fabian Society.
47
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
a number of lifelong friends through his connection with this
organization, which he joined soon after its formation. Chief
among these may be mentioned James Leigh Joynes, Sydney
Olivier and Henry Hyde Champion; other acquaintances were
two Christian Socialist clergymen — Stewart Headlam and
Symes of Nottingham. Shaw and Symes frequently indulged
in wordy warfare over the respective merits of Socialism and
Land Nationalization as universal panaceas for social evils.
Symes argued that Land Nationalization would settle every-
thing, to which Shaw cleverly and characteristically replied, as
he once told me, that if capital were still privately appropriated
Symes would remain " the chaplain of a pirate ship." It is proof
of Shaw's fundamental Socialism that he still regards this as
a very fair description of the position of a clergyman under
our present system.
Through his association with James Leigh Joynes and the
Salt family it is not difficult to trace Shaw's initial feeling for
Shelley, and the origin and growth of his humanitarian and
vegetarian principles. At this time Joynes had just been de-
prived of his Eton post because he had made a tour in Ireland
with Henry George and been arrested with him under the Coer-
cion Act by the police, who did not understand Land Nation-
alization and supposed the two to be emissaries of the Clan na
Gael. Henry Salt, another Eton master, to whom Joynes' sister
was married, was not only, like Joynes, a vegetarian, a humani-
tarian, a Shelleyan, but a De Quinceyite as well. Being a born
revolutionist, he loathed Eton; and as soon as he had saved
enough to live with a Thoreau-like simplicity in a labourer's
cottage in the country, he threw up his post and shook the dust
of Eton from his feet. In company with Joynes, Shaw visited
the Salts once before they left Eton. It is interesting in this
connection to read an absurdly amusing description, written by
Shaw, of his first visit to them in the country at Tilford — an
article entitled A Sunday on the Surrey Hills*
There were no children in the family ; and one of Shaw's chief
amusements while visiting the Salts was to play endless piano-
*The Pall Mall Gazette, April 28th, 1888.
48
LONDON
forte duets with Mrs. Salt, on what he called " the noisiest grand
piano that ever descended from Eton to a Surrey cottage."
Salt found his metier, not in Socialism, but in humanitarianism.
He founded the Humanitarian League, of which he is still secre-
tary. This association of Shaw with the Salt family eventuated
in close and warm mutual friendship. Many were the visits
Shaw paid them at this time and in later years. It was in the
heather on Limpsfield Common, during his visits to them at
Oxford, that he wrote several of the scenes of his Plays, Pleasant
and Unpleasant.
In this association may be discovered the real link between
Shaw and the Humanitarians. For twenty-five years Shaw
was a " cannibal," according to his own damning verdict. For
the remainder of his life he has been a strict vegetarian, pro-
fessing his principles with a comic force equalled only by the
rigour with which he puts them into practice. While the most
of men in their boyhood have walked about with a cheap edition
of Shelley in their pockets, it is a tiresome trait in Shaw,
someone has slightingly remarked, that he has never taken this
cheap edition out. Shelley it was, certainly, who first called
Shaw's attention to the " infamy of his habits." And it is also
true that Shaw has never discarded his vegetarian principles,
never repudiated Shelley's humane views and ideals of life. " It
may require some reflection," Shaw once wrote, " to see that high
feeling brings high thinking; but we already know, without
reflection, that high thinking brings what is called plain living.
In this century the world has produced two men — Shelley and
Wagner — in whom intense poetic feeling was the permanent
state of their consciousness, and who were certainly not re-
strained by any religious, conventional or prudential consid-
erations from indulging themselves to the utmost of their
opportunities. Far from being gluttonous, drunken, cruel or
debauched, they were apostles of vegetarianism and water-
drinking ; had an utter horror of violence and ' sport ' ; were
notable champions of the independence of women; and were, in
short, driven into open revolution against the social evils which
the average sensual man finds extremely suitable to him. So
much is this the case that the practical doctrine of these two
49
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
arch-voluptuaries always presents itself to ordinary persons as
a saint-like asceticism." *
At the time of the mutual intimacy of Joynes, Shaw, and
the Salts, and their unhesitating approval and admiration of
Shelley, early in the eighties, vegetarian restaurants began to be
established here and there throughout the country. These scat-
tered restaurants, Mr. Shaw once remarked in connection with
his own conversion to the faith of Shelley, " made vegetarian-
ism possible for a man too poor to be catered for." f It is
hardly open to doubt that, while Shelley first called Shaw's
attention to vegetarianism, it was Joynes and Salt who first
confirmed him in the belief, which soon became solidified into
a hard-and-fast principle, that " the enormity of eating the
scorched corpses of animals — cannibalism with its heroic dish
omitted — becomes impossible the moment it becomes consciously
instead of thoughtlessly habitual."
Another member of this coterie, in which there was no ques-
tion of Henry George and Karl Marx, but a great deal of
Walt Whitman and Thoreau, was the now well-known Socialist
and author, Edward Carpenter, whose Towards Democracy
and other works are a faithful reflex of the man. It became
the habit of these early apostles of " the simple life " to wear
sandals ; Carpenter even wore his out of doors. He had taught
the secret of their manufacture to a workman friend of his at
Millthorpe, a village near Sheffield, where he resided. Not
unfittingly, the habitual wearer of moccasins, Carpenter, was
always called The Noble Savage by the members of this con-
genial and delightful circle. The noisy grand piano grew
noisier than ever when Shaw and Carpenter visited the Salts —
Carpenter, like Shaw, revelling in pianoforte duets with Mrs.
Salt.
The death of Joynes was a great grief to these close friends,
* The Religion of the Pianoforte. In the Fortnightly Review, February,
1894.
•j- Mr. Shaw's confessions in regard to his change from " cannibalism "
to vegetarianism are perhaps best given in an article in the Pall Mall
Gazette for January 26th, 1886, entitled, Failures of Inept Vegetarians.
By an Expert.
50
LONDON
especially to Shaw. I am convinced that those mordantly
incisive and penetrating attacks which Shaw, in after life, made
upon modern surgery and modern medicine find their animus in
his resentment of the manner of Joynes' death. Certain pas-
sages from The Philanderer and The Conflict of Science and
Common Sense thus become more humanly comprehensible. The
literary activities of this circle, so sadly broken up by the death
of Joynes, were by no means confined solely to Carpenter and
Shaw. Joynes himself left a volume of excellent translations
of the revolutionary songs of the German revolutionists of 1848
— Herwegh, Freiligrath and others.* Salt, whom Shaw has
occasionally quoted, has published several monographs, his
tastes and predilections revealing themselves in the names of
Shelley, James Thomson, Jeffries and De Quincey.
The Socialist revival of the eighties is responsible for the final
publication of Shaw's novels. As long as he kept sending them
to the publishers, " they were as safe from publicity as they
would have been in the fire." But as soon as he flung them aside
as failures, with a strange perversity, " they almost instantly
began to show signs of life." Among the crop of propagandist
magazines which accompanied the Socialistic revival of the
eighties was one called To-Day — not the present paper of that
name, but one of the many " To-Days which are now Yester-
days." It was printed by Henry Hyde Champion, but there
were several joint editors, of brief tenure, among whom were
Belfort Bax, the well-known Socialist, and James Leigh Joynes.
Although publishing his novels in this magazine, which it seems
paid nothing for contributions, " seemed a matter of no more
consequence than stuffing so many window-panes with them,"
Shaw nevertheless offered up An Unsocial Socialist and Cashel
Byron's Profession on this unstable altar of his political faith. t
* For a brief and illuminative biographical sketch of James Leigh
Joynes, compare Shaw's review of his book, Songs of a Revolutionary
Epoch, in the Pall Mall Gazette, April 16th, 1888.
f The first instalment of An Unsocial Socialist appeared in To-Day, a
"monthly magazine of Scientific Socialism," New Series, Vol. I. (January-
June, 1884), March number, pp. 205-220. The final instalment appeared
in New Series, Vol. II., of the same magazine (July-December, 1884),
December number, pp. 543-579. The novel appeared under Shaw's name,
51
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
With one noteworthy exception, there were no visible results
from the serial publications of these two novels. Shaw's novels,
not uncharacteristically, appeared in inverse order of composi-
tion; and number five, An Unsocial Socialist, made Shaw ac-
quainted with William Morris, an acquaintance which, as we
shall see, ripened later into genuine and sincere friendship. To
Shaw's surprise, as he tells us, William Morris had been reading
the monthly instalments with a certain relish — a proof to Shaw's
mind " how much easier it is to please a great man than a little
one, especially when you share his politics."
Another propagandist magazine, created after the passing of
To-day, and called Our Corner, was published by Mrs. Annie
Besant, with whom Shaw had become acquainted about the time
he joined the Fabian Society. " She was an incorrigible bene-
factress," Shaw says, " and probably revenged herself for my
freely expressed scorn for this weakness by drawing on her
private account to pay me for my jejune novels." Up to this
time, all Shaw's literary productions seemed to have the deadly
effect of driving their media of circulation to an early grave.
After The Irrational Knot and Love Among the Artists had run
through its pages in serial form, Our Corner likewise succumbed
to the inevitable.*
To Shaw's expressed regret, Cashel Byron's Profession found
one staunch admirer at least. This was Henry Hyde Champion,
who had thrown up a commission in the Army at the call of
Socialism. This admiration for Shaw's realistic exposure of
pugilism — Mr. Shaw once told me that he always considered
admiration of Cashel Byron's Profession the mark of a fool!
and is marked at the close (page 579), "The End," and dated beneath,
" London, 1883," the date of composition. Cashel Byron's Profession ran in
the same magazine through the years 1885 and 1886, beginning in New
Series, Vol. III. (January- June, 1885), April number, pp. 145-160, and
concluding in Vol. V. (January-June, 1886), March number, pp. 67-73.
* The Irrational Knot began in Vol. V. (January-June, 1885), pp. 229-240,
ran through Vols. VI., VII. and VIII., and was concluded in Vol. IX.
(January-June, 1887), ending on page 82. Love Among the Artists opened
in Vol. X. (July-December, 1887) of the same magazine, ran through
Vol. XI., and was concluded in Vol. XII. (July-December, 1888), on page
352. It is marked at the close (page 352), " The End, London, 1881 "—the
date of composition.
52
LONDON
— had very momentous consequences. Champion, it seems, had
an " unregenerate taste for pugilism " — a pugnacious survival
of his abdicated adjutancy. " He liked ' Cashel Byron ' so much
that he stereotyped the pages of To-Bay which it occupied,
and in spite of my remonstrances, hurled on the market a mis-
shapen shilling edition. My friend, Mr. William Archer, re-
viewed it prominently ; the Saturday Review, always susceptible
in those days to the arts of self-defence, unexpectedly declared
it the novel of the age; Mr. W. E. Henley wanted to have it
dramatized; Stevenson wrote a letter about it . . . ; the other
papers hastily searched their waste-paper baskets for it and
reviewed it, mostly rather disappointedly ; the public preserved
its composure and did not seem to care." This letter of Steven-
son's to William Archer,* written at Saranac Lake in the winter
of 1887-8, contains some very interesting criticism, as a quota-
tion will show:
" What am I to say ? I have read your friend's book
with singular relish. If he has written any other, I beg you
will let me see it ; and if he has not, I beg him to lose no
time in supplying the deficiency. It is full of promise, but
I should like to know his age. There are things in it that
are very clever, to which I attach no importance ; it is the
shape of the age. And there are passages, particularly
the rally in the presence of the Zulu King, that show
genuine and remarkable narrative talent — a talent that few
will have the wit to understand, a talent of strength, spirit,
capacity, sufficient vision, and sufficient self-sacrifice, which
last is the chief point in a narrative."
And at the end of his next letter to Mr. Archer (February,
1888), he says " Tell Shaw to hurry up. I want another."
Neither Shaw nor Champion earned anything from that first
shilling edition, " which began with a thousand copies, but
proved immortal." Shortly after this first edition was ex-
hausted, the publishing house of Walter Scott and Company
* Published, in part, in The Letters of Robert Louis Stevenson, Vol. II.,
edited by Sidney Colvin.
53
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
placed a revised shilling edition on the market; and the book
was also published in New York at about the same time (Harper
and Brothers, New York, 1887). Brentanos, New York,
brought out an edition in 1897, and this was followed in 1899
by an edition of An Unsocial Socialist.0
The immediate cause of these editions was the temporary
interest in the works of Mr. Shaw, occasioned by Mr. Richard
Mansfield's notable productions of Arms and the Man and The
Devil's Disciple. The publication of Plays, Pleasant and Un-
pleasant, in two volumes, by H. S. Stone and Company, of
Chicago, followed shortly afterwards. In 1904, when Mr.
Daly's production of Candida created such a stir in America,
Mr. Volney Streamer, of the firm of Brentanos, a Shaw enthusi-
ast of many years' standing, used his influence to have these
two books reprinted. None of Shaw's novels are copyright in
America, so that he has never, it appears, reaped the reward
of the moderate, although intermittent, vogue which his novels
have enjoyed in that country. It is a fact of common knowl-
edge that Shaw prefers to be judged by his later work; but
the demand in America for these novels has been so large that
they are likely to be published for years yet to come. In 1889
or 1890, it must have been, Shaw happened to notice that his
novels were " raging in America," and that the list of book sales
in one of the United States was headed by a novel entitled
An Unsocial Socialist. In the preface to the " Authorized Edi-
tion " of Cashel Byron's Profession, which contains the history
of the life and death of the novels, Mr. Shaw says, " As it was
clearly unfair that my own American publishers (H. S. Stone
and Company) should be debarred by delicacy towards me from
exploiting the new field of derelict fiction, I begged them to
make the most of their inheritance ; and with my full approval
Opus 3, called 4 Love Among the Artists ' (a paraphrase of the
forgotten line ' Love Among the Roses ') followed." f
* The New York Herald contained the statement that " Brentanos have
done a service to literature in reprinting two of Shaw's novels that are
strangely unfamiliar to the American public."
f This book was published in 1900, followed in 1901 by the "Authorized
Edition" of Cashel Byron's Profession (also published by H. S. Stone and
LONDON
This third act of Shaw's " tragedy," as he calls it, is by no
means the end of the play; as with Thomas Hardy's endless
dramas, the curtain may never be rung down. One might
imagine that Shaw, the Socialist, required the patience of a Job
and the self -repression of a stoic to enable him to restrain his
anger over the diversion of the rewards of his talent from his
own to the pockets of Capitalist publishers, free of all obliga-
tion to the author. But he accepts his fate with breezy
philosophy.
" I may say," he wrote to Harper and Brothers (who had
published his Cashel ByrorCs Profession) in November, 1899,
" that I entirely disagree with the ideas of twenty years ago
as to the ' piratical ' nature of American republications of non-
copyright books. Unlike most authors, I am enough of an
economist to know that unless an American publisher acquires
copyright he can no more make a profit at my expense than
he can at Shakspere's by republishing Hamlet. The English
nation, when taxed for the support of the author by a price
which includes author's royalties, whilst the American nation
escapes that burden, may have a grievance against the Amer-
ican nation, but that is a very different thing from a grievance
of the author against the American publisher." *
" Suffice it to say here that there can be no doubt now that
the novels so long left for dead in the forlorn-hope magazines
of the eighties have arisen and begun to propagate themselves
Co.), which contains the above-quoted remark. In the autumn of 1901,
Grant Richards, at the time the English publisher of almost all of Mr.
Shaw's works, also brought out a revised edition of Cashel Byron's Profes-
sion. In the autumn of 1904 The Irrational Knot was for the first time
published in book form by Archibald Constable and Co., Mr. Shaw's Eng-
lish publishers at present. In 1905 The Irrational Knot was published in
America by Brentanos.
* On publishing his Cashel Byron's Profession, Harper and Brothers sent
Mr. Shaw ten pounds in recognition of his moral right as an author to
share any profits the book might yield. There were then no international
copyright laws in force, and the works of foreign authors were not pro-
tected in America. When Mr. Shaw learned that this same book had been
republished by another American house, he sent back to Harper and
Brothers the ten pounds, with thanks for its use, explaining that since
the book had been republished by another firm, even his moral claim to
recognition by the original American publishers had lapsed.
55
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
vigorously throughout the New World at the rate of a dollar
and a half per copy, free of all royalty to the flattered author."
He begs for absolution from blame " if these exercises of a raw
apprentice break loose again and insist on their right to live.
The world never did know chalk from cheese in the matter of
art ; and, after all, since it is only the young and old who have
time to read — the rest being too busy living — my exercises may
be fitter for the market than my masterpieces."
In 1883, when the last of the novels of his nonage was com-
pleted, Shaw was still striking in the dark. He had not yet
found the opening into the light, the portal giving out from the
stuffy world of imaginative lying into the great world of real
life — a life of pleasurable activity, strenuous endeavour, and
high achievement. He found his way out by following an insist-
ent summons — the clarion call of Henry George. And when,
having doffed the swaddling clothes of romance, he emerged
from the dim retreat of his imagination, it was to find himself
standing in the dazzling light of a new day — the day of Social-
ism, of the Fabian Society, and — of George Bernard Shaw.
56
THE NOVELIST
"London was not ripe for me. Nor was I ripe for London. I was in
an impossible position. I was a foreigner — an Irishman, the most foreign
of all foreigners when he has not gone through the University mill. I was
. . . not uneducated; but, unfortunately, what I knew was exactly what
the educated Englishman didn't know or didn't believe." — George Bernard
Shaw: an Interview. In The Chap-Book, November, 1896.
y
CHAPTER III
AS a young man of twenty-four, Bernard Shaw began to
evolve a moral code. He perceived in those phases of
contemporary existence which either intimately touched his life
or daily challenged his critical scrutiny, a shocking discrepancy
between things as they are and things as they should be. He
has never been a " whole hogger," like Pope or Omar Khayyam :
he neither believed that whatever is is right nor wished to
shatter this sorry scheme of things entire. The arch-foe of
idealism, he paradoxically prefaced his attack by hoisting the
banner of an ideal. Shaw has spent more than a quarter of a
century in formulating his ideal, in attempting to concretize his
individual code into a universal ethical system.
Let us not fall into the crass error of supposing that Shaw
has never come under the spell of the fascination of idealism
and romance. Shaw the realist paid his toll to Romance before
the moral passion ever dawned upon his soul. Just as Zola
always bore the brand of Hugo, just as Ibsen worked his way
through romance to real life, so Shaw found his feet in realism
only after tripping several times over the novels of a romantic
imagination. Shaw's novels are the products of a riotous and
fanciful imagination, if not, as he dubs them, the compounds
of ignorance and intuition. In a celebrated discussion with Mr.
W. H. Mallock, we have Shaw's frank confession:
" We are both novelists, privileged as such to make fancy \S
pictures of Society and individuals, and to circulate them
as narratives of things that have actually been; and the
critics will gravely find fault with our fictitious law, or our
fictitious history, or our fictitious psychology, if we depart
therein from perfect verisimilitude. Why have we this
extraordinary privilege? Because, I submit, we are both
natural-born tellers Of the thing that is not. Not, observe,
59
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
vulgar impostors who lie for motives of gain, to extort
alms, to conceal or excuse discreditable facts in our history,
to glorify ourselves, to facilitate the sale of a horse, or to
avoid unpleasantness. All humanity lies like that, more or
less. But Mr. Mallock and I belong to those who lie for
the sheer love of lying, who forsake everything else for it,
who put into it laborious extra touches of art for which
there is no extra pay, whose whole life, if it were looked
into closely enough, would be found to have been spent
more in the world of fiction than of reality." *
Shaw has somewhere placed on record his boast that such
insight as he had in criticism was due to the fact that he ex-
hausted romanticism before he was ten years old. " Your pop-
ular novelists," he contemptuously declared, " are now gravely
writing the stories I told to myself before I replaced my first
set of teeth. Some day I will try to found a genuine psychology
of fiction by writing down the history of my imagined life,
duels, battles, love-affairs with queens and all. They say that
man in embryo is successively a fish, a bird, a mammal, and so
on, before he develops into a man. Well, popular novel-writing
is the fish stage of your Jonathan Swift. I have never been
so dishonest as to sneer at our popular novelists. I once went
on like that myself. Why does the imaginative man always end
by writing comedy if only he has also a sense of reality ? Clearly
because of the stupendous irony of the contrast between his
imaginary adventures and his real circumstances and powers.
At night, a conquering hero, an Admirable Crichton, a Don
Juan; by day, a cowardly little brat cuffed by his nurse for
stealing lumps of sugar. . . . My real name," he added, " is
Alnaschar." f
As a matter of fact, Shaw has anticipated his exhaustion of
romanticism by some seventeen years. It was not until he fin-
ished the novels of his nonage that he could justly boast of
* On Mr. Mallock's Proposed Trumpet Performance. In the Fortnightly
Review, April, 1894.
t Who I Am, and What I Think. Part I. In the Candid Friend, May
11th, 1901.
60
THE NOVELIST
having " worked off " that romanticism which always appears
to be latent in every creative imagination in the stage of
incipiency. Remember what Stevenson wrote to William Archer
of Cashel Byron's Profession:
" As a whole, it is (of course) a fever dream of the most
feverish. . . . It is all mad, mad and deliriously delight-
ful; the author has a taste in chivalry like Walter Scott's
or Dumas's, and then he daubs in little bits of Socialism ;
he soars away on the wings of the romantic griffon — even
the griffon, as he cleaves air, shouting with laughter at the
nature of the quest — and I believe in his heart he thinks
he is labouring in a quarry of solid granite realism.
" It is this that makes me — the most hardened adviser
now extant — stand back and hold my peace. If Mr. Shaw
is below five-and-twenty, let him go his path; if he is
thirty, he had best be told that he is a romantic, and pursue
romance with his eyes open; perhaps he knows it; God
knows ! — my brain is softened." *
It is all very well for Shaw to say that he used Bizet's Carmen
as a safety valve for his romantic impulses. But the testimony
of his own novels flatly contradicts his complacent assertion
that he was romantic enough to have come to the end of romance
before he began to create in art for himself.
These novels, in spite of their youthful romanticism, never-
theless constitute the record of the adventures of an earnest
and anarchic young man, with a knack of keen observation and
terse protraiture, striving to give voice to and interpret the
spirit of the century. When someone, in 1892, suggested that
Shaw was, of course, a follower of Ibsen, Shaw replied with a
great show of indignation : " What ! I a follower of Ibsen ! My
good sir, as far as England is concerned, Ibsen is a follower
of mine. In 1880, when I was only twenty-four, I wrote a book
called * The Irrational Knot,' which reads nowadays like an
* The Letters of B. L. Stevenson, Vol. II. Edited by Sidney Colvin,
pp. 107 et seq.
61
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
Ibsenite novel." And in the postscript to the preface to the
new edition of that novel, after having declared with familiar
Shavian wiliness in the preface that he " couldn't stand " his
own book, he makes a sudden bouleversement as follows : " Since
writing the above I have looked through the proof-sheets of
this book, and found, with some access of respect for my youth,
that it is a fiction of the first order. . . . It is one of those
fictions in which the morality is original and not ready-made.
... I seriously suggest that ' The Irrational Knot ' may be
regarded as an early attempt on the part of the life force to
write 6 A Doll's House ' in English by the instrumentality of
a very immature writer aged twenty-four. And though I say
it that should not, the choice was not such a bad shot for a
stupid instinctive force that has to work and become conscious
of itself by means of human brains."
With all its immaturity, The Irrational Knot is undoubtedly
in the " tone of our time." It is the ill-chosen title, however,
rather than the contents which recalls Nora and Torvald. The
institution of marriage is not shown to be irrational; Shaw's
shafts were aimed at the code of social morality which renders
marriages such as the one described inevitable failures. Shaw
not only seeks to expose the fatal inconsistencies of this social
code, but also damns the feeble shams with which Society at-
tempts to bolster up those inconsistencies.
Endowed with much of the bluntness of Bluntschli, but with
an added sensitiveness, the " hero " of this novel may be de-
scribed as the crude and repellent prototype of the later Shavian
males. Believing more in force than in savoir faire, in brutal
sincerity than in conventional graces, Conolly stands out for
literal truth and violent tactlessness as against social propriety
and observance of les convenances. He is acting with perfect
validity to himself when he says, in answer to the question as
to what he is going to do about his wife's elopement with a
former lover : " Eat my supper. I am as hungry as a bear."
After Marian's desertion by her lover, Conolly urges her to
return to him, assuring her that now she is just the wife he
wants, since she is at last rid of " fashionable society, of her
family, her position, her principles, and all the rest of her chains
62
THE NOVELIST
for ever." Marian refuses, because she cannot " respect herself
for breaking loose from what is called her duty." Their
definitive words epitomize the failure of their life together.
" ' You are too wise, Ned,' she said, suffering him to replace
her gently in the chair.
" c It is impossible to be too wise, dearest,' he said, and un-
hesitatingly turned and left her."
The subjects which inspired Shaw's maturer genius are the
same subjects which so actively, if crudely and imperfectly,
struggle for expression in this early work. Much acuteness is
exhibited by the young man of twenty-four in spying out the
weak points in the armour of " that corporate knave, Society."
When the " high-bred " wife of the " self-made " man elopes
with a " gentleman," Society's dismay is only feigned. Like
Roebuck Ramsden, Marian's relatives are quite willing to for-
give, and even to thank, the cur if he will only marry her: by
ousting a rank outsider like Conolly, Douglas appears to So-
ciety almost in the light of a champion of its cause. Shaw
was too close an observer of life, even at twenty-four, to attempt
to make out a case against matrimony by celebrating the success
of an unblessed union. His point is turned against Society,
less for upholding traditional morality than for making the
preservation of its class distinctions its highest laws. Society
is ready enough to forgive Douglas; but Marmaduke Lind, in
setting up an unblessed union with Conolly's sister, Mademoiselle
Lalage Virtue, of the Bijou Theatre, places himself beyond the
pale. For she is socially " impossible " ; and, consequently, there
can be no relenting towards Marmaduke until he return, and,
in the odour of sanctity and respectability, marry Lady Con-
stance Carberry !
The Irrational Knot cannot be called novel on account of
its rather commonplace thought that " a girl who lives in Bel-
gravia ought not to marry with a man who is familiar with the
Mile End Road." But as Mr. W. L. Courtney suggestively
remarks : " What is novel is the illustration, in clever and
mordant fashion, of the absurd folly and wastefulness of social
conditions which obstinately make intelligence subservient to
aristocratic prestige. Even in our much-abused country there
63
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
is, and has been for a long time, a career open for talent; but
the aspiring male must not encumber himself by taking a partner
out of ranks to which he does not belong. Thus, 4 The Irra-
tional Knot ' is nothing more nor less than an early tract in
defence of Socialism or Communism, or whatever other term
should be applied to theories which seek to equalize the chances
and opportunities of human beings." In The Irrational Knot
are found the marks of that individual mode of observing and
reflecting life, which is popularly denominated " Shavian."
Here is the first clear testimony to that rationalistic mood in
Shaw which permeates so much of his subsequent work. And
yet this book contains intimations of that deeper philosophy of
life which conceives of rationality merely as an instrumentality
for carrying out its designs. This knot is irrational only
because it is too rational. Marian shrinks from reconcilement
with Conolly: she cannot breathe in the icy atmosphere of his
rationalistic cocksureness. Conolly expresses Shaw's funda-
mental protestantism in his assertion that Marian's ill-considered
flight with Douglas was the first sensible action of her whole
life. It was admirable in his eyes because it was her first
vigorous assertion of will, of vital purpose. The human being
can and will find freedom only in overriding convention, repudi-
ating " duty," and solving every problem in terms of its own
factors. The book, indeed, is marked less by immaturity of
thought than by crudeness of execution. The characters are
deficient in the flexibility and pliancy of human beings, and the
book lacks suggestion of " the slow, irregular rhythm of life,"
of which Henry James somewhere speaks. To Shaw, the de-
piction of Conolly was evidently a labour of love; and, conse-
quently, we have an execution of force, if not always of
convincing veracity. Elinor McQuinch, shrewd, sharp-tongued,
acid — the familiar advocatus diaboli, and Shaw in petticoats of
the later Shavian drama — is delightfully refreshing in her
piquancy, and truly Ibsenic in her determination to " be her-
self." The nascent dramatist often speaks out in this book —
note the melodramatic Lalage Virtue — but nowhere more char-
acteristically than in the trenchant deliverance of the justly-
vexed Elinor :
64
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THE NOVELIST
" Henceforth Uncle Reginald is welcome to my heartiest
detestation. I have been waiting ever since I knew him
for an excuse to hate him; and now he has given me one.
He has taken part — like a true parent — against you with
a self -intoxicated young fool whom he ought to have put
out of the house. He has told me to mind my own business.
I shall be even with him for that some day. I am as vindic-
tive as an elephant : I hate people who are not vindictive ;
they are never grateful either, only incapable of any endur-
ing sentiment. . . . I am thoroughly well satisfied with
myself altogether; at last I have come out of a scene
without having forgotten the right thing to say ! "
Imagination lingers fondly, as Mr. Hubert Bland once re-
marked, over the spectacle of Elinor standing in the middle of
the stage, three-quarters face to the audience, and firing off
those acute generalizations about people who are not vindictive.
Shaw's cleverness has begun thus early to betray him ; a number
of the characters are smart, but quite unnatural. The " Lit-
erary Great-grandfather " of the present Shaw unerringly
pointed out many of the weak spots of Society ; but his funda-
mental Socialism, impatient of class distinctions and social bar-
riers, leads him occasionally into crude caricature. The book's
greatest fault lies, perhaps, in the fact that his characters em-
ploy, not the natural, ductile speech of to-day, but the stilted
diction of Dumas and Scott.
Commonplace as is the characterization, Shaw's next novel,
Love Among the Artists, is a tract — less a novel than a critical
essay with a purpose, in narrative form. Shaw confesses that
he wrote this book for the purpose of illustrating " the differ-
ence between that enthusiasm for the fine arts which people
gather from reading about them, and the genuine artistic
faculty which cannot help creating, interpreting, or, at least,
unaffectedly enjoying music and pictures."
I have often wondered if it might not be possible for one who
did not know Shaw personally to construct a quite credible
biography by making a composite of the peculiarly Shavian
types presented in his novels and plays. Without carrying the
67
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
analogy to extremes, I think it mediately true that Shaw has
one by one exhibited, in semi-autobiographic form, the distin-
guishing hall-marks of his individual and many-sided char-
acter. To what extent Owen Jack is a projection of the Shaw
of this period, how graphically, if unconsciously, Shaw has
revealed in this droll original his own ideals of music and his
defence of a certain impudently exasperating assertiveness of
manner in himself, is difficult to decide. Shaw insists that Jack
is partly founded on Beethoven. And yet there is an undoubted
resemblance between the real Irishman and the imagined Welsh-
man who plays the Hyde of Jack to the Jekyll of Shaw. Like
" C. di B." and G. B. S., Jack is the first of the " privileged
lunatics." He scorns the pedantry of the schools, sneers at
mechanical music of academic origin, jibes at " analytic criti-
cism," and fiercely denounces the antiquated views of the musical
organizations of England, with their old fogeyism, their cow-
ardice in the face of novelty, their dread of innovation, and
their cringing subservience to obsolescent and outworn models.
Like Shaw, Jack is always tolerant of sincerity, always sym-
pathetic with true effort, unrestrainedly enthusiastic over any
vital outpouring of the creative spirit; rebuking tyranny
wherever he sees it, exposing falsehood whenever he hears it,
eternally vigilant in exposing frauds and unmasking shams.
And yet, with all his offensive brusqueness, fierce intolerance, and
colossal self-sufficiency, gentle-hearted, compassionate, and, in
the presence of beauty, deeply humble.
Shaw once called Love Among the Artists a novel with a
purpose. Viewed from another standpoint, it is a collection of
types, a study in temperaments. The author preaches the arro-
gance of genius as opposed to a false humility in the presence of
great art works. The shallow artist, Adrian Herbert, " spends
whole days in explaining to you what a man of genius is and
feels, knowing neither the one nor the other " ; Mary Sutherland
never surpasses mediocrity as an artist because her knowledge is
based upon hearsay instead of upon experience. She stands in
sharp contrast to Madge Brailsford, who tersely puts her case
to Mary — the case, one might say, of the whole book — " If
you don't like your own pictures, depend upon it no one else will.
68
THE NOVELIST
I am going to be an actress because I think I can act. You
are going to be a painter because you think you can't paint."
Mr. Huneker declares that Mary Sutherland, " lymphatically
selfish and utterly unsympathetic," is his prime favourite in the
story. " Her taste in flaring colours, her feet, her habit of
breathing heavily when aroused emotionally, her cowardices, her
artistic failures, her eye-glasses, her treacly sentiment — what
a study of the tribe artistic ! And truly British withal." The
only other noteworthy figure in the book is the evasive, elusive
Mademoiselle Szczymplica — a study searching in the closeness
and delicacy of its observation. This charming and piquant
Polish pianist, although emanating poetry and romance, has, as
she puts it, the " soul commercial " within her. She cannot
see why, even if she does love her husband, she should therefore
dispense with her piano practice !
Unlike the classic model for a play, this novel has neither
beginning, middle, nor ending; and yet it has many brilliantly
executed scenes. Who could ever forget the street fight in Paris,
the humorous " love-scene " between Madge Brailsford and
Owen Jack, and the rehearsal, so acute in its satire — fitting
companion-piece to the Wagner lecture in Cashel Byron's Pro-
fession?
It is noteworthy that Love Among the Artists heralds a
favourite thesis of Shaw's — the natural antipathy between blood
relations — a thesis expounded many years later by John Tanner
in the rather leaden epigram " I suspect that the tables of
consanguinity have a natural basis in a natural repugnance."
Cashel Byron is always catching himself in the act of " shying "
when his mother is around — she used to throw things at him
when he was a boy ! Blanche Sartorius is quite ready to hate
her father at a moment's notice; no love is lost between Julia
and Colonel Craven; Vivie Warren stands out determinedly
against her mother's authority; and Frank, with nauseating
levity, takes great delight in "jollying" his reprobate father
upon the indiscretions of his youth. Phil and Dolly are breezily
disrespectful of parental rule; and Anne uses her maudlin
mother as an excuse to do just whatever she wants. The thesis
is part of Shaw's stock-in-trade, and might be regarded as
69
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
a mere comic motif, were it not for the " damnable iteration "
of the thing. Adrian Herbert avows his positive dislike for his
mother, because, as he affirms, their natures are antagonistic,
their views of life and duty incompatible — because they have
nothing in common. We must take Shaw's insistence upon
incompatibility of temperament between blood-relations with a
good many grains of salt. It is not even half true that every
mother tries to defeat every cherished project of her sons " by
sarcasms, by threats, and, failing these, by cajolery"; that
everyone's childhood has been " embittered by the dislike of his
mother and the ill-temper of his father " ; that every man's
wife soon ceases to care for him and that he soon tires of her;
that every man's brother goes to law with him over the division
of the family property ; and that every man's son acts in studied
defiance of his plans and wishes. These things are only true
enough to be funny; just enough of them happen in real life
to give Shaw's thesis a sort of comic plausibility. It is the
phrases, " love is eternal," and " blood is thicker than water,"
rather than the facts themselves, which make the iconoclastic
Shaw see red. I find some explanation of his view in pardonable
revolt, as a dramatist, against that persistent superstition of
French melodrama — the voix du sang. Some explanation of
Shaw's views in the matter may possibly be found in the facts
of his own personal experience; at any rate, he once said that
the word education brought to his mind four successive schools
where his parents got him out of the way for half a day. Indeed,
his campaign against the modern system of education springs
from his recently expressed disgust with educators for conceal-
ing the fact that " the real object of that system is to relieve
parents from the insufferable company and anxious care of their
children." Continuing in the same strain, he says:
" Until it is frankly recognized that children are nui-
sances to adults except at playful moments, and that the
first social need that arises from the necessary existence of
children in a community is that there should be some ade-
quate defence of the comparative quiet and order of adult
life against the comparative noise, racket, untidiness, in-
70
THE NOVELIST
quisitiveness, restlessness, fitfulness, shiftlessness, dirt, de-
struction and mischief, which are healthy and natural for
children, and which are no reason for denying them the
personal respect without which their characters cannot
grow and set properly, we shall have the present pretence
of inexhaustible parental tenderness, moulding of character,
inculcation of principles, and so forth, to cloak the im-
prisoning, drilling, punishing, tormenting, brigading, boy
and girl farming, which saves those who can afford it from
having to scream ten times every hour, ' Stop that noise,
Tommy, or I'll clout your head for you.' " *
With gradual, yet unhalting steps, Shaw works his way to
those startling and topsy-turvy theories which are so delight-
fully credible to the intellect uels and so bewilder ingly exasperat-
ing to the Philistines. In Love Among the Artists, Madge
Brailsford's open avowal to Owen Jack of her love for him
gives a hint that the theory of woman as the huntress and man ^
as the quarry is upon us. But quite the contrary course is taken
in Cashel Byron 's Profession, Shaw's next novel. Cashel Byron,
the perfect pugilist, fights his way into the good graces of the
" high-born " heiress, Lydia Carew, by the straight exhibition of
his physical prowess. The whole book is conceived in such
broadly satirical vein that it is impossible for me to accept it
as anything except a boyishly irrepressible pasquinade. For-
tunately, the " little bits of Socialism that were daubed in " here
and there at first, were afterwards deleted ; the current version
is a novel, pure and simple, with no discoverable Socialistic thesis
behind it. Shaw's explanation that the book was written as an
offset to the " abominable vein of retaliatory violence " that runs
all through the literature of the nineteenth century need not
detain us here ; Shaw has made out his own case with sufficiently
paradoxical cleverness in the inevitable preface. He spends one-
half of his time in explaining his actions during the other half ;
and it has even been unkindly hinted that each new book of
* Does Modem Education Ennoble? In Great Thoughts, October 7th,
1905.
71
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
his serves merely as an excuse for writing another preface.
And it should be remembered that the preface to Cashel Byron's
Profession was written some eighteen years later than was the
book itself — ample time for Shaw to devise any excuse for
representing his book as a deliberate challenge to British ideals.
Suffice it to say that a comparison of Cashel Byron's Profession
with Rodney Stone, for example, will make plain the distinction
between the realism and the romance of pugilism. And while
Byron's exhibitions of physical prowess are the most " howlingly
funny " incidents in the book, it is nevertheless true that Shaw
has done nothing to surround the " noble art of sluggerei " with
any halo of fictitious romance.* " Its novelty," as Shaw him-
self maintains, " consists in the fact that an attempt is made
to treat the art of punching seriously, and to detach it from
the general elevation of moral character with which the ordinary
novelist persists in associating it."
The real novelty, and, indeed, the chief charm, of the book
consists rather in the fact that no attempt is made to treat
anything seriously. So far as the prize-ring is concerned, the
book's realism is veracious; the rest is the frankest of popular
melodrama. What appeals more strongly to the popular heart
than a low-born but invincible slugger fighting his way, round
after round, to the side of a noble and fabulously wealthy
heroine ! What more oracularly Adelphic in its melodrama than
the " finger of fate " upon the " long arm of coincidence "
directing Cashel's mother to the mansion of Miss Lydia Carew !
And what an exquisite fulfilment of poetic justice — the ultimate
discovery that Cashel is a scion of one of the oldest county
families in England, and heir to a great estate ! The thing that
makes the book go, of course, is its peculiarly Shavian cast —
the combination of what Stevenson called " struggling, overlaid
original talent " and " blooming gaseous folly." Shaw's sense of
dramatic situation continually foreshadows the future play-
*A dramatization of the novel, by Mr. Stanislaus Stange, was pro-
duced with moderate success in New York several years ago. Unique
interest attached to the production because the part of Cashel Byron was
taken by Mr. James J. Corbett, some time pugilistic champion of the
world — and incidentally quite a clever actor. There is much of Cashel in
Mr. Corbett, whose popular sobriquet is " Gentleman Jim."
72
THE NOVELIST
wright. The abounding humour of the exquisitely ludicrous
scene at the reception — the devastating comicality of the brute,
with his native " mother-wit," turned rough-and-ready philoso-
pher! When Cashel is set down in the midst of this ethical-
artistic circle, he breezily excels all the professors — for he dis-
cusses art positively, in the terminology of his own profession,
in which he is a past master. The sublime hardihood of eluci-
dating Beethoven and Wagner in terms of the pugilistic art of
Jack Randall! And Bashville, over whom Stevenson howled
with derision and delight, what a brief for democratic Socialism
is Bashville — prototype for the Admirable Crichton and 'Enry
Straker — keenly conscious of his own absurdity, yet zealously
standing out in defence of his mistress and in insistence upon
the truly democratic doctrine of " equal rights for all, special
privileges for none." Who cannot sympathize with Stevenson :
" I dote on Bashville — I could read of him for ever; de Bash-
ville je suis le fervent — there is only one Bashville, and I am
his devoted slave; Bashville est magnifique, mais il n'est guere
possible" Or when he says : " Bashville — O Bashville ! j'en
chortle (which is finely polyglot)." Service is as sacred to
Bashville as pugilism is to Cashel. Each is the " ideal " pro-
fessional man, who magnifies his office and measures up to the
height of his own profession. Each demands recognition for
fulfilling to the best of his ability his own special function in
life. Shaw insists that the real worth of a man is not to be
measured by the social standing of his profession, but in terms of
his professional efficiency.
Shaw's mastery of the portrayal of striking contrasts is
exhibited in the case of Cashel Byron and Lydia Carew. There
is a strong hint of the " female Yahoo " in Lydia's avowal to her
aristocratic suitor : " I practically believe in the doctrine of
heredity ; and as my body is frail and my brain morbidly active, I
think my impulse towards a man strong in body and untroubled
in mind is a trustworthy one. You can understand that; it is
a plain proposition in eugenics." This was fun to Stevenson —
but "horrid fun." His postscript is laconically eloquent: "(I
say, Archer, my God! what women!)" William Morris seems
73
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
to have had the rights in the matter in describing Lydia, to
Shaw privately, as a " prig-ess." Shaw grandiloquently speaks
of her as " superhuman all through," a " working model " of an
" improved type " of womanhood. " Let me not deny, however
. . . ," he remarks, " that a post-mortem examination by a
capable critical anatomist — probably my biographer — will reveal
the fact that her inside is full of wheels and springs." The book
closes on a mildly Shavian note — the romance has dwindled to
banality. " Cashel's admiration for his wife survived the
ardour of his first love for her; and her habitual fore-
thought saved her from disappointing his reliance on her
judgment."
All that was needed to expose the threadbare plot of Cashel
Byron's Profession was The Admirable Bashville: or Constancy
Unrewarded — Shaw's blank-verse stage version of the novel.
This delightful jest was perpetrated in defence of the stage-
right of the novel, which threatened to pass into unworthy hands
through the malign workings of that " foolish anomaly," the
English Copyright Law. In Shaw's celebrated lecture on
Shakespeare, at Kensington Town Hall, section 10, as given in
his abstract, reads as follows:
" That to anyone with the requisite ear and command
of words, blank verse, written under the amazingly loose
conditions which Shakespeare claimed, with full liberty to
use all sorts of words, colloquial, technical, rhetorical, and
obscurely technical, to indulge in the most far-fetched
ellipses, and to impress ignorant people with every possible
extremity of fantasy and affectation, is the easiest of all
known modes of literary expression, and that this is why
whole oceans of dull bombast and drivel have been emptied
on the heads of England since Shakespeare's time in this
form by people who could not have written Box and Cox
to save their lives. Also (this on being challenged) that
I can write blank verse myself more swiftly than prose,
and that, too, of full Elizabethan quality plus the Shake-
spearian sense of the absurdity of it as expressed in the
lines of Antient Pistol. What is more, that I have done it,
74
THE NOVELIST
published it, and had it performed on the stage with huge
applause." *
Liking the " melodious sing-song, the clear, simple, one-line
and two-line sayings, and the occasional rhymed tags, like the
half-closes in an eighteenth-century symphony, in Peele, Kid,
Greene, and the histories of Shakespeare," Shaw quite naturally
" poetasted The Admirable Bashville in the rigmarole style."
After illustrating how unspeakably bad Shakespearean blank
verse is, Shaw ludicrously claims that his own is " just as good."
Nor is it possible to deny that his own blank verse positively
scintillates with the Shakespearean — or is it Shavian? — sense of
its absurdity. The preface to The Admirable Bashville has the
genuine Shavian timbre, with its solemn fooling, its portentous
levity, its false premisses and ludicrous conclusions. In that
preface, as Mr. Archer puts it, Shaw " defends the woodenness
of his blank verse by arguing that wooden blank verse is the
best. That, at any rate, is the gist of his contention, though
he does not put it in just that way."
The play — for despite Shaw's prefaces, the play's the thing —
is a truly admirable burlesque of rhetorical drama. Not Bash-
ville, but Cashel only is admirable ; it is Cashel's constancy that
is rewarded. The piece is couched in a tone of the most delicious
extravagance — a hit, a palpable hit, in every line. I cannot
resist the temptation to quote from the scene in which Lydia,
Lucian, and Bashville, fast locked against intrusion, debate the
question of admitting Cashel, the presumably infuriated ruffian,
who has just been successfully tripped up by Bashville as he is
trying to enter the Carew mansion.
Lydia : We must not fail in courage with a fighter.
Unlock the door.
Lucian : Like all women, Lydia,
You have the courage of immunity.
To strike you were against his code of honour ;
But me, above the belt, he may perform on
T' th' height of his profession. Also Bashville.
* Bernard Shaw Abashed. In the Daily News, April 17th, 1905.
75
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
Bashville : Think not of me, sir. Let him do his worst.
Oh, if the valour of my heart could weigh
The fatal difference 'twixt his weight and mine,
A second battle should he do this day :
Nay, though outmatched I be, let but my mistress
Give me the word : instant I'll take him on
Here — now — at catchweight. Better bite the
carpet
A man, than fly, a coward.
Lucian : Bravely said :
I will assist you with the poker.
And well worth remembering is the naive autobiography, de-
livered at the request of the Zulu king, of that celestially denom-
inated " bruiser " concerning whom Cashel once said : " Slave to
the ring I rest until the face of Paradise be changed."
Cetewayo *. Ye sons of the white queen :
Tell me your names and deeds ere ye fall to.
Paradise : Your royal highness, you beholds a bloke
What gets his living honest by his fists.
I may not have the polish of some toffs
As I could mention on ; but up to now
No man has took my number down. I scale
Close on twelve stun ; my age is twenty-three ;
And at Bill Richardson's " Blue Anchor " pub
Am to be heard of any day by such
As likes the job. I don't know, governor,
As ennythink remains for me to say.
Those who witnessed the original production of the play by
the London Stage Society in 1903, and also the later production
in 1909 at the "Afternoon Theatre" (His Majesty's), unhesi-
tatingly gave it that " huge applause " of which Shaw speaks
so frankly. " The best burlesque of rhetorical drama in the
language," is Mr. Archer's sweeping dictum. Even the most
hardened of Philistines might find it easy to agree with his state-
ment : " Fielding's ' Tom Thumb ' and Carey's ' Chrononhoton-
thologos ' are, it seems to me, not in the running."
76
THE NOVELIST
Not until the appearance of An Unsocial Socialist, fifth of
the novels of his nonage, is the Pandora's box of Shavian
theories opened. There now begin to troop forth those startling
and anarchic views with which the name of Shaw is popularly
associated. This modern " Ecole des Maris " heralds the reign
of the " literature of effrontery " ; Shaw is beginning to take
his stride. With all its extravagance and waywardness, An Un-
social Socialist has been declared by at least one critic of
authority to be as brilliant as anything George Meredith ever
wrote. Let us recall Stevenson's warning to Shaw : " Let him
beware of his damned century ; his gifts of insane chivalry and
animated narration are just those that might be slain and thrown
out like an untimely birth by the Daemon of the Epoch." Gone
are the chivalry and romance — the winds of Socialism have
blown them all away. But the book fairly reeks of the " damned
century," with its mad irresponsibility, its exasperating levity,
its religious and social revolt. Written in 1883, it seethes and
bubbles with the scum of the Socialist brew just then beginning
to ferment. Shaw's original design, he tells us, was to " produce
a novel which should be a gigantic grapple with the whole social
problem. . . . When I had finished two chapters of this enter-
prise— chapters of colossal length, but containing the merest
preliminary matter — I broke down in sheer ignorance and in-
capacity." Eventually the two prodigious chapters of Shaw's
magnum opus were published as a complete novel, in two
9 books," under the title An Unsocial Socialist. Shaw begins
fiercely to sermonize humanity, to deride all customs and insti-
tutions which have not their roots sunk in individualism and
in social justice. The Seven Deadly Sins are: respectability,
conventional virtue, filial affection, modesty, sentiment, devotion
to woman, romance. Sidney Trefusis is the philosopher of the
New Order, revolted by the rottenness of present civilization and
resolved, by any means, to set in motion some schemes for its
reformation. Discovering too late that marriage to him, as to
Tanner, means " apostasy, profanation of the sanctuary of his
soul, violation of his manhood, sale of his birthright, shameful
surrender, ignominious capitulation, acceptance of defeat,"
Trefusis deliberately deserts his wife, not because, as with Falk
77
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
and Svanhild in Ibsen's Love's Comedy, love seems too exquisite,
too ethereal to be put to the illusion-shattering test of marriage,
but because marriage involves the triumph of senses over sense,
of passion over reason. Even after he has ceased to love Henri-
etta, her love for him continues to set in motion the mechanism
of passion, and he is revolted by the fact that she is satisfied so
long as " the wheels go round."
The millionaire son of a captain of industry, Trefusis has, by
a strange freak of fate, drunk deep of the Socialist draught of
the epoch. Respecting his dead father for his energy and
bravery among unscrupulous competitors in the struggle for
existence, Trefusis curses his memory for the inhuman means
employed in his business dealings and the social crimes concealed
by the shimmer of his " ill-gotten gold."
His most significant utterance — an outburst before the
wealthy landowner, Sir Charles Brandon — gives us a clear pic-
ture of Shaw's Socialist views at this time :
" A man cannot be a Christian : I have tried it, and
found it impossible both in law and in fact. I am a
capitalist and a landholder. I have railway shares, mining
shares, building shares, bank shares, and stock of most
kinds; and a great trouble they are to me. But these
shares do not represent wealth actually in existence: they
are a mortgage on the labour of unborn generations of
labourers, who must work to keep me and mine in idleness
and luxury. If I sold them, would the mortgage be can-
celled and the unborn generations released from its thrall?
No. It would only pass into the hands of some other
capitalist; and the working classes would be no better off
for my self-sacrifice. Sir Charles cannot obey the com-
mand of Christ : I defy him to do it. Let him give his land
for a public park : only the richer classes will have leisure
to enjoy it. Plant it at the very doors of the poor, so
that they may at least breathe its air ; and it will raise the
value of the neighbouring houses and drive the poor away.
Let him endow a school for the poor, like Eton or Christ's
Hospital; and the rich will take it for their own children
78
THE NOVELIST
as they do in the two instances I have named. Sir Charles
does not want to minister to poverty, but to abolish it.
No matter how much you give to the poor, everything but
a bare subsistence wage will be taken away from them again
by force. All talk of practising Christianity, or even bare
justice, is at present mere waste of words. How can you
justly reward the labourer when you cannot ascertain the
value of what he makes, owing to the prevalent custom of
stealing it? . . . The principle on which we farm out our
national industry to private marauders, who recompense
themselves by blackmail, so corrupts and paralyses us that
we cannot be honest even when we want to. And the reason
we bear it so calmly is that very few of us really want to."
A Marx in Shaw's clothing, Trefusis devotes all his energies,
all his wealth, to the task of forming an international
association — " The International," history gives it — of men
pledged "to share the world's work justly; to share the
produce of the work justly; to yield not a farthing — charity
apart — to any full-grown and able-bodied idler or malingerer,
and to treat as vermin in the commonwealth persons attempting
to get more than their share of wealth or give less than their
share of work." Whole-souledly committed to Socialism in its
iconoclastic aspects, Trefusis defies convention, prudery, deli-
cacy, good-taste, and tact in all his actions, convinced beyond
reclaim that " vile or not, whatever is true is to the purpose."
His philosophy holds it a short-sighted policy to run away
from a mistake or a misunderstanding, instead of " facing the
music " and clearing the matter up. A licensed eccentric like
his prototypic creator in real life, Trefusis is permitted to take
liberties granted to no one else ; and by the " exercise of a cer-
tain considerate tact (which, on the outside, perhaps, seems
the opposite of tact)," but which in reality consists in the
most ingenious double-dealing, he somehow or other contrives
to have his way and go scot-free.
In the early part of the story, disguised as that " terrific
combination of nerves, gall, and brains," Smilash, he dexterously
philanders to his heart's content with several young girls at
79
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
the boarding-school where his wife was educated. The veri-
similitude of the portraits, the acute psychology exhibited in
the portrayal of the feelings, sentiments, and sentimentalities
of young girls in the boarding-school stage of evolution, testify
to Shaw's remarkable gifts as a genuine realist. That fore-
runner of Julia Craven, the romantic little Henrietta Jansenius,
is portrayed with insight, and not without delicacy and restraint.
The most unreal, most unhuman scene in the book is that in
which Trefusis apostrophizes the body of his dead wife. His
reflections impress me as both flippant and callous in their
solemn setting. It is with a sense of profound shock that we
hear him rudely flout the " funereal sanctimoniousness " of the
family physician, mock at the " harrowing mummeries " of
religious and social observance, and " damn the feelings " of a
father and mother who regarded their daughter as their chattel
and showed no true feeling for her when she was alive. Trefusis
is devoured with the conviction that the first, if the hardest, of
all duties is one's duty to one's self. His fine Italian hand is
betrayed in his later philanderings with the whilom loves of
Smilash, now grown up into disagreeable, hard, calculating
women. Trefusis's trickery of Sir Charles Brandon, his unfeel-
ing deception of Gertrude Lindsay, his base flattery of Lady
Brandon, his misleading promise to Erskine, are all exhibitions
of his Jesuitical policy. The exponent of Socialism and the
New Morality, Trefusis has no scruples in employing unfair
means to secure whatsoever he wants — for the cause of labour
and for himself.*
Mr. W. L. Courtney has somewhere called attention to the
curious triumph achieved by " our only modern dramatist," as
he calls Bernard Shaw, in view of the fact that Shaw has never
hesitated at interpreting women as beasts of prey. In the
novels we find premonitions of Shaw's later attitude toward
* " The hero is remarkable because, without losing his pre-eminence as
hero, he not only violates every canon of propriety, like Tom Jones or Des
Grieux, but every canon of sentiment as well. In an age when the average
man's character is rotted at the core by the lust to be a true gentleman,
the moral value of such an example as Trefusis is incalculable." — Mr.
Bernard Shaw's Works of Fiction. Reviewed by Himself. In the Novel
Review, February, 1892.
80
J»
^S€>^ore^ ^sfJj?/?>n^rA4X/ 'SZAjz-w,
/^JJW^r :
THE NOVELIST
women. Some suspicion of Shaw's theory that woman " takes
the initiative in sex business " dawns upon us when Madge
Brailsford openly courts Owen Jack; but Lydia Carew, that
bloodless Ibsen type, is anything but the huntress. An Unsocial
Socialist opens our eyes ; for Henrietta shamelessly pursues the
mocking Trefusis and exhausts every feminine wile in the effort
to induce him to return to the chains of wedlock. The idea is
also uppermost in the final scene, in which Trefusis, by means
of a little diabolically-concocted sentiment, persuades the pur-
suing Gertrude to give him up, and, " for his sake," to marry
Erskine. When Shaw came to erect his theory into a system
in Man and Superman, he threw a flood of light upon all his
former work. There is a keynote to the philosophy of every
great or pioneer thinker : Shakespeare had his Hamlet, Wagner
his Free-willing of Necessity, Schopenhauer his Will to Live,
and Nietzsche his Will to Power. So Shaw is the apostle of the
Life Force, as he calls it; and woman is incarnate life force —
potent instrument of that irresistible, secret, blind impulse which
Nature wields for her own transcendent purposes, heedless of
the feelings, welfare, or happiness of individuals. Recognizing
woman as the primal vital agency in the fulfilment of Nature's
laws, he has not unnaturally come to regard her as " much
more formidable than man, because she is, as it were, archetypal,
belonging to the original structure of things, and has behind her
activity, sometimes benevolent and more often malevolent, the
great authority of Nature herself." * Under the spell of this
plausible conviction, Shaw endows woman with all the attributes
of a blind, unreasoning, unscrupulous force of nature. And
for his faith he can find ample support in the literature of an
age which produced Schopenhauer's Essay on Woman, The
Master Builder, Little Eyolf, The Triumph of Death, Grafin
Julie, Erdgeist, Thje Confounding of Camellia. With great
adroitness, but with a curious inconsistency in one who has
spent years of his life in " blaming the Bard," Shaw finds the
chief support for his claim in the plays of Shakespeare himself.
By blandishment, Rosalind accomplishes her purpose; Miranda
*The words are those of Mr. W. L. Courtney.
81
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
ensnares Ferdinand with the words, " I would not wish any
companion in the world but you. I am your wife if you will
marry me." Juliet scales Romeo's defences one by one, and
there is Desdemona with her fond " hint " ; Mariana, the
strategist; Helena, pursuing the recreant Bertram; Olivia,
powerless to hide her passion ; and poor, mad, melancholy
Ophelia.
One has only to pass in review Shaw's work, from An Un-
social Socialist to Man and Superman, to discover that per-
sistent exemplification of his theory that " woman is the pursuer
and contriver, man the pursued and disposed of." Indeed, in
his very first play, we find Shaw's concrete illustration of Don
| aan's statement that " a woman seeking a husband is the most
unscrupulous of all the beasts of prey." All the men in Shaw's
plays seem to suffer, not from Prossy's, but from Charteris's
complaint : " At no time have I taken the initiative and pursued
women with my advances as women have persecuted me." All
seem to labour under the conviction that the woman's need of
a man " does not prevail against him until his resistance gathers
her energy to a climax, at which she dares to throw away her
customary exploitations of the conventional affectionate and
dutiful poses, and claim him by natural right for a purpose that
far transcends their mortal personal purposes." The quintes-
sence of the Shavian woman is Ann Whitefield, that " most
gorgeous of all my female creatures," as Shaw calls her —
incarnation of fecundity in Nature, wilful, unscrupulous, im-
modest, aggressive, dominant — compelling Tanner to obey her
biological imperative.
The appearance of Shaw's theory in An Unsocial Socialist
is responsible for this divagation of mine from the theme of the
novels, this anticipation of the feminine psychology of the plays.
It is highly unreasonable to suppose that the exploitation of
such a theory on Shaw's part is a perverse and impish trick,
designed solely epater le bourgeois: Shaw has driven home his
theory in countless deliberate statements. As a philosophic
concept, as an interpretation of woman by an a-priorist, little
fault can be found with Shaw in the matter. No one can question
Shaw's right to his opinion. Even as an effort to make the
82
THE NOVELIST
natural attraction of the sexes the mainspring of the action in
modern English drama, Shaw's delineation of woman is far
from being unworthy of consideration, though it has swung
wide of the mark in exaggerative reaction against the romantic
sentimentalities of the English stage. Shaw's women are full
of purpose and vitality— the most " advanced " of women in
assertion of their rights, in resolute determination to override
all the barriers of current respectability and " prurient
prudery," in perfect readiness to forego all considerations of
good taste, tact, delicacy, modesty, conventional virtue. They
ruthlessly repudiate all those qualities which have led man to
dub her his " better half."£ Shaw's mistake consists in painting
woman, not as she really, normally is, but as his preconceive
philosophic system requires her to be? He planks down f 01 our
inspection less a life-like portrait of the eternal feminine than
a philosophic interpretation of the " superior sex." Shaw is
a remarkable critic of life. Certain phases of human nature,
unnoticed or unaccented by others, he has depicted with a
veracity, a cleverness, a sparkling brilliancy beyond all praise.
But it is one thing to portray an individual, a totally different
thing to announce a universal type. A soldier like Bluntschli,
a dare-devil like Dudgeon, a minister like Gardner, a hero like
Caesar or Napoleon, a wooer like Valentine, a Socialist like
Trefusis, a pugilist like Byron — all these may have lived.
Shaw doubtless can — indeed, sometimes does — point to their
counterparts, if not in literature, certainly in real life. But to
say that all soldiers are like Bluntschli, for example, is little
more foolish than to say that all women are like Blanche, like
Julia, like Ann. The vital defect in Shaw's women is that they
are too blatant, too obvious, too crude. They are lacking in
mystery, in finer subtlety, in the subconscious and obscurer
instincts of sex, in the arts of exquisite seduction, of keenly-
felt yet only half-divined allurement.* The Life Force goes
about its business, one would fain remind Mr. Shaw, not openly
and with a blare of trumpets, but by a thousand devious and
hidden paths. Of course, there is always the danger of taking
* There are exceptions to this generalization, of course — Lady Cicely,
Candida, Nora, Jennifer, Barbara.
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
Shaw too seriously. Mr. Archer wittily, but, above all, entirely
truthfully, dubbed Ann a " mythological monster." As a
pendant to Everyman of the Dutch morality, Ann may be the
Everywoman of the Shavian morality. But even Shaw himself
admits, with wily fairness, that while, philosophically, Ann may
be Everywoman according to the Shavian dispensation, yet in
practical, every-day existence there are countless women who
are not Ann.
If faith is to be placed in M. Emile Faguet's dictum that no
exceptional work of art is ever written by anyone before reach-
ing the age of thirty, then Shaw's novels are debarred by the
Statute of Limitations. The " ineptitude " of his novels, of
which Mr. Shaw once spoke to me, is attributable to the fact
that during this early period he fed upon his imagination.
He had not yet come into any deep or really vital communion
with humanity. Produced in that impressionable period when
dreaming seems preferable to living, the novels bristle with
faults — immaturities of form, crudenesses of expression, blatant
didactics. They are often loose and disjointed, generally lacking
in closely articulated structure. With all his pretended effort at
realism, Shaw has failed to impart to his novels that one quality
without which no modern work of fictive art can take the very
highest rank — inevitableness. To Shaw, as to Zola, art is life
seen through a temperament. And I often receive the impression
that Shaw's novels are less faithful records of contemporary
existence than documents revelative of Bernard Shaw. Shaw is
lacking in artistic self-restraint; like the true propagandist, he
seems almost unwilling to accept facts as they are, so eager is
he to impose upon them the stamp of his individual predilections.
It is the strangest of paradoxes that one who claims for himself
that rare and priceless gift — the abnormally normal eyesight
of the realist— should have spent his life in the endeavour to fix.
the mask of Shaw upon the face of life.
" The gods know that Bernard Shaw has many sins of omission
to answer for when he reaches the remotest peak of Par-
nassus," writes Mr. Huneker ; " but for no one of his many
gifts will he be so sternly taken to task as the wasted one of
novelist. . . . There is more native talent for sturdy, clear-
84
THE NOVELIST
visioned, character-creating fiction in the one prize-fighting
novel of Bernard Shaw than in the entire cobweb work of the
stylistic Stevenson ! . . . Shaw could rank higher as a novelist
than as a dramatist — always selecting for judgment the supreme
pages of his tales, pages wherein character, wit, humour, pathos,
fantasy, and observation are mingled with an overwhelming
effect." * While there is much of truth in what Mr. Huneker
says, I should hold quite the opposite opinion concerning Shaw's
relative merits as novelist and dramatist. Not the least sig-
nificant feature of the novels, to my mind, is their foreshadowing
of the future dramatist.f Turning over the pages of the
novels, from first to last one cannot but observe this recurrent
trait : Shaw always sees his characters in a " situation." It is
difficult to read one of Shaw's novels without unconsciously
looking for the stage directions. Proud as he is of his gifts
as a " fictionist," no one is more conscious than is Shaw himself
of his deficiencies in this role. With his customary succinctness,
he once put the case to me as it really is : " My novels are very
green things, very carefully written."
* Bernard Shaw and Woman. In Harper's Bazaar, June, 1905.
fit is worthy of remark that the conclusion of Love Among the Artists,
as Julius Bab has pointed out, accurately prefigures the conclusion of
Candida. The situation, the very words, are almost identical.
85
THE FABIAN SOCIETY
"If ever there was a society which lived by its wits, and by its wits
alone, that society was the Fabian." — The Fabian Society. Tract No. 41.
By G. B. Shaw.
CHAPTER IV
FOR the student of Shaw's work and career, there is no escape
from the resemblance, superficial or vital, between Shaw
himself and the numerous comic figures he has projected upon
the stage. Like that Byronic impostor, Saranoff, Shaw has
gone through life afflicted with a multiplicity of personalities.
In The Autocrat of the Breakfast Table, Oliver Wendell Holmes
said that when two people meet, there are always six persons
present. But Shaw needs no party of the second part to sum
up the total of personalities: he is eternally dogged with his
own ubiquitous aliases. Bernard Shaw, the " fictionist " ; Corno
di Bassetto, the music critic of admirable fooling and pungent
criticism ; G. B. S., the apostle of comic intransigeance in criti-
cism of art, music, and drama — and life ; " P-Shaw," the Gil-
bertian topsy-turvyist of essay and drama; George Bernard
Shaw, Fabian, economist, public speaker, borough councillor,
reformer — all these distinct characters is Shaw, in Maeter-
linckian phrase, constantly meeting upon the highway of fate.
It is the province of the biographer to detect, among this con-
fusing cloud of aliases, the real man.
In 1883, the career of Bernard Shaw the " fictionist " came
to an abrupt and final conclusion. While this first and intro-
ductory chapter in the book of Shaw's multiplex life was being
written, the material for another and infinitely more important
chapter was slowly being collected and arranged. With this
second chapter begins the life of the real Shaw.
As he himself has told us, his parents pulled him through the
years in which he earned nothing. But he was perpetually
" grinding away " at something, perpetually feeling his way
towards confidence and efficiency. The diversity of his interests
was remarkable : nothing he touched proved banal or unfruitful.
This universality of interests — the determination to grasp, the
effort to master, every subject that came to his hand — is little
89
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
less than conclusive as an explanation of his many-sidedness.
" I did not start life with a orogramme. I simply accepted
every job offered to me, and I did it the best way I could." In
this simple and straightforward statement is found the key to
that diversity of talent, that range of ability, which is perhaps
the most striking and noteworthy characteristic of this rare
and eccentric genius.
The decisive and revolutionary changes in Shaw's truly
" chequered " career were due, in almost all cases, to the adven-
titious or deliberate influence of some dominant personality in
literature or in life. The crucial conjunctures in his career are
closely associated with the names of Shelley, Ibsen, Nietzsche,
Marx, Wagner, Mozart and Michael Angelo, in art, music,
literature and philosophy; with the names and personalities,
among others, in life of James Leigh Joynes, the Salt family,
Henry George, Sidney Webb, William Morris and William
Archer.
In Shaw's acquaintance with the late James Lecky * is found
the germ of that strenuous propagandist activity which may
be called the most definitive expression of Shaw's life. It was
in 1879 that Shaw first became intimate with Lecky and with
those various subjects, connected with music and languages
on the scientific side, to which Lecky devoted so much of his
energy and attention. Once interested in some pursuit, Lecky
would become so enthused that he would demand of his friends
an interest therein commensurate with his own. This pestifer-
ously altruistic spirit of Lecky's proved of great value to
Shaw, who set his critical brain to work upon many of the
problems which Lecky brought to his attention. Through
Lecky, Shaw acquired a working knowledge of Temperament,
concerning which he once boasted that he was probably the only
living musical critic who knew what it meant ; and a due appre-
ciation of Pitman's Shorthand — which he could write at the rate
of twenty words per minute and could not read afterwards on
any terms ! — as probably the worst system of shorthand ever
* Author of the article on Temperament (systems of tuning keyed
instruments) in the first edition of Grove's Dictionary of Music.
90
THE FABIAN SOCIETY
invented, yet the best pushed on its business side. Together
Lecky and Shaw studied and djjcussed Phonetics, and while
Shaw's knowledge of the subject was by no means exhaustive,
his interest in it has since served as a permanent protection
against such superficial catch-penny stuff as the reformed spell-
ings that are invented every six months by faddists. Shaw's
individual mode of punctuation, his use of spaced letters in
place of italics, his almost total rejection, on Biblical authority,
which he accepted for once, of quotation marks, and those
numerous original rules of punctuation and phonetics which he
has from time to time formulated in magazine and daily press,*
find their raison d'etre in Shaw's early association with Lecky
and subsequent acquaintance, through Lecky's instrumentality,
with the late Alexander Ellis and Henry Sweet, of Oxford. As
readers of the notes to Captain Brassbound's Conversion may
gather, Shaw accepts Sweet as his authority ; indeed, he highly
values his acquaintance with that " revolutionary don," as he
calls him, and once said that, in any other place or country in
the world, Sweet would be better known than even Shaw himself.
The knowledge of phonetics, the interest in language-reform
acquired through his acquaintance with men like Lecky, Ellis
and Sweet is the explanation, Mr. Shaw once told me, of the
fact that the Cockney dialect, which so befuddles and astounds
the readers of Captain Brassbound's Conversion, is far more
scientific in its analysis of London coster lingo than anything
that had previously occurred in fiction.
In the winter of 1879, Lecky joined a debating club, called
The Zetetical Society, numbering among its members Mr. Sidney
Webb, Mr. Emil Garcke, and Mr. J. G. Godard. It was a sort
of " junior copy " of the once well-known Dialectical Society,
which had been founded to discuss Stuart Mill's essay on Lib-
* Among Shaw's many articles on these topics, may be cited the follow-
ing: A Plea for Speech Nationalization, in the Morning Leader, August 16th,
1901; Phonetic Spelling: a Reply to Some Criticisms, ibid., August 22d,
1901 ; Notes on the Clarendon Press Rules for Compositors and Readers, in
The Author, April, 1902, pp. 171-2. See also Mr. William Archer's two
articles: Spelling Reform v. Phonetic Spelling, in the Daily News, August
10th, 1901; and Shaw's Phonetic World-English, in the Morning Leader,
August 24th, 1901.
91
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
erty not long after its appearance in print. Both societies were
strongly^ Millite ; in both there was complete freedom of discus-
sion, political, religious and sexual. Women took a prominent
part in the debates, which often dealt with subjects concerning
their rights, interests and welfare. A noteworthy feature of
these debates, particularly in relation to Shaw's future develop-
ment as a public speaker, and a critic as well, was that each
speaker, at the conclusion of his speech, might be cross-exam-
ined on it by any one of the others in a series of questions.
In this society Malthus, Ingersoll, Darwin and Herbert Spencer
were held in especial reverence. The works of Huxley, Tyndall
and George Eliot were on the shelves of all the members. The
tone of the society was very " advanced " — individualistic,
atheistic, evolutionary. Championship of the Married Woman's
Property Act was scarcely silenced by the Act itself. The fact
that Mrs. Besant's children were torn from her like Shelley's,
aroused hot indignation, as did the prosecutions for " blas-
phemy " then going on. It is not without significance that, even
at this time, Shaw was Socialist enough to defend the action of
the State in both cases. Indeed, he has always been, as he once
told me, somewhat of Morris's opinion that " There may be some
doubt as to who are the best people to have charge of children ;
but there can be no doubt that the parents are the worst."
Strange jest of fate, Shaw began his career by joining a society
whose members regarded Socialism as an exploded fallacy ! ^
How little did anyone dream that, even then, underground
rumblings of the approaching revolution might be faintly
heard! That recurrent quindecennial cycle of Socialistic up-
heaval of which Karl Kautsky has somewhere spoken, was well-
nigh completed. Within five years Socialism was to burst forth
with fresh impetus, sweep the younger generation along with it,
and plunge the Dialectical and Zetetical Societies into the
" blind cave of eternal night."
One night in the winter of 1879, Lecky dragged Shaw to a
meeting of the Zetetical Society, which then met weekly in the
rooms of the Woman's Protective and Provident League in
Great Queen Street, Long Acre. It will be related elsewhere
why Shaw decided to join the society at once; suffice it to say
92
THE FABIAN SOCIETY
here that he became a frequent attendant upon the meetings of
the society, entering actively, if haltingly, into discussion and
debate. The importance, in its bearing upon Shaw's subsequent
career as a man of affairs and a man of letters, of an acquaint-
ance he formed at this time through the accident of joining the
Zetetical Society, can scarcely be overestimated. A few weeks
after joining the society Shaw's keenest interest was aroused
in a speaker who took part in one of the debates. This speaker
was a young man of about twenty-one, rather below middle
height, with small, pretty hands and feet, and a profile that
suggested, on account of the nose and imperial, an improvement
on Napoleon the Third. I well remember the animated way
in which Mr. Shaw described to me the man and the occurrence.
" He had a fine forehead, a long head, eyes that were built on
top of two highly developed organs of speech (according to the
phrenologists), and remarkably thick, strong, dark hair. He
knew all about the subject of debate; knew more than the lec-
turer; knew more than anybody present; had read everything
that had ever been written on the subject; and remembered all
the facts that bore on it. He used notes, read them, ticked
them off one by one, threw them away, and finished with a
coolness and clearness that, to me in my then trembling state,
seemed miraculous. This young man was the ablest man in
England — Sidney Webb." Then a trembling novice, yet subse-
quently to be known as the cleverest man in England, Shaw
to-day does not hesitate to pay full honour to the part Sidney
Webb has played in his career. The extent and value of this
association will reveal itself in due course. Shaw has said and
done a thousand clever things ; but, as he once freely confessed
to me, " Quite the cleverest thing I ever did in my life was to
force my friendship on Webb, to extort his, and keep it."
After Shaw had been a member of the Zetetical Society for
about a year, he joined the Dialectical Society, and was faithful
to it for years after it had dwindled into a little group of five
or six friends of Dr. Drysdale, the apostle of Malthus. Shaw
subsequently joined another debating society, the Bedford, pre-
sided over by Stopford Brooke, who had not then given up his
pastorate at Bedford Chapel to devote himself exclusively to
93
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
literature. During these years, as we shall see more particularly
in the next chapter, Shaw was slowly perfecting himself in the
art of public speaking. The fascination of the platform grew
upon him daily. He not only spoke frequently himself, but
also attended public meetings of every sort, learning by precept,
experience, and example the secrets of the art of platform
speaking. With dogged persistence, he was surely, if slowly,
acquiring what he himself has called the coolness, the self-
confidence and the imperturbability of the statesman.
During these years he had gradually widened and deepened
his knowledge of the subjects which periodically came up for
discussion in the various debating societies he had joined. In
his boyhood he had read Mill on Liberty, on Representative
Government, and on the Irish Land Question. And he was fully
the equal of his co-debaters in knowledge and comprehension
of the evolutionary ideas and theories of Darwin, Tyndall,
Huxley, Spencer, George Eliot, and their school. But of po-
litical economy he knew absolutely nothing. It was in 1882 that
his attention was first definitely directed into the economic
channel.
England and Ireland were greatly stirred up at this time by
the arrest of Henry George and James Leigh Joynes as " sus-
picious strangers " in Ireland (August, 1882). Joynes, a
master of Eton, wishing to see something of the popular side
of the Irish movement, accompanied George as a correspondent
of the London Times. George was making an investigation of
the situation in Ireland preliminary to his campaign of propa-
ganda in behalf of his Single Tax theories, enunciated in Prog-
ress and Poverty. The arrest of George and Joynes, on the
charge of being agents of the Fenians, was widely commented
on in the newspapers of Great Britain and Ireland, and resulted
in a Parliamentary questioning. Progress and Poverty, .pro-
nounced by Alfred Russel Wallace " undoubtedly the most
remarkable and important work of the nineteenth century,"
began to sell by the thousands ; it was prominently reviewed in
the London Times and dozens of other papers ; and George felt
at last that he was " beginning to move the world." Further
encouragement came from the Land Nationalization Society,
94*
THE FABIAN SOCIETY
which had been founded in London early in 1882, with Alfred
Russel Wallace at its head.* "It contained in its member-
ship," says Mr. Henry George, Jr., in his biography of his
father, " those who, like Wallace, desired to take possession of
the land by purchase and then have the State exact an annual
quit-rent from whoever held it; those who had the Socialistic
idea of having the State take possession of the land with or
without compensation and then manage it ; and those who, with
Henry George, repudiated all idea of either compensation or of
management, and would recognize common rights to land simply
by having the State appropriate its annual value by taxation.
Such conflicting elements could not long continue together, and
soon those holding the George idea withdrew and organized on
their own distinctive lines, giving the name of the Land Reform
Union to their organization." While interest was at fever heat,
George was invited by the Land Nationalization Society to
lecture under the auspices of a working men's audience in
Memorial Hall. The bill, a true copy of which lies before me,
reads as follows:
LAND NATIONALIZATION.
Memorial Hall,
Farringdon Street,
On Tuesday, September 5th, 1882.
Under auspices of
THE LAND NATIONALIZATION SOCIETY.
Professor
F. W. Newman
will preside.
George's speech that night was the torch that " kindled the
fire in England " — a fire which he afterwards said no human
power could put out. It was the masses that George was trying
to educate and arouse. It was the masses whose ear he caught
that night.
* Compare Land Nationalization: Its Necessity and Its Aims, by Alfred
Russel Wallace. Swan, Sonnenschein and Co., 1892.
95
/>
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
At that time, Bernard Shaw eagerly haunted public meetings
of all kinds. By a strange chance, he wandered that night into
the Memorial Hall in Farringdon Street. The speaker of the
evening was Henry George: his speech wrought a miracle in
Shaw's whole life. It "kindled the fire" in his soul. "It
flashed on me then for the first time," Shaw once wrote, " that
' the conflict between Religion and Science ' . . . the over-
throw of the Bible, the higher education of women, Mill on
Liberty, and all the rest of the storm that raged round Darwin,
Tyndall, Huxley, Spencer, and the rest, on which I had brought
myself up intellectually, was a mere middle-class business. Sup-
pose it could have produced a nation of Matthew Arnolds and
George Eliots ! — you may well shudder. The importance of
the economic basis dawned on me." * Shaw now read Progress
and Poverty; and many of the observations which the fifteen-
year-old Shaw had unconsciously made now took on a sig-
nificance little suspected in the early Dublin days of his indif-
ference to land agency.f
Shaw was so profoundly impressed by the logic of Henry
George's conclusions and suggested remedial measures that,
shortly after reading Progress and Poverty, he went to a meeting
of the Social Democratic Federation, and there arose to protest
against their drawing a red herring across the track opened
by George. The only satisfaction he had was to be told that
he was a novice : " Read Marx's Capital, young man," was the
condescending retort of the Social Democrats. Shaw promptly
* Compare Chapter VI. for Shaw's own account of his conversion by
Henry George.
■f No more significant contradiction between practice and conviction can
be found in Shaw's career than lies inherent in the fact that he began
life by collecting Irish rents ! " These hands have grasped the hard-earned
shillings of the sweated husbandman, and handed them over, not to the
landlord — he, poor devil! had nothing to do with it — but to the mort-
gagee, with a suitable deduction for my principal who taught me these
arts." Not without its spice of humour, also, is the fact that Shaw is
to-day an absentee landlord, having derived from his mother an estate
on which her family lived for generations by mortgaging. No wonder
that Mr. Shaw contemplates with mingled feelings that process, which he
has condemned from a thousand platforms, being carried on in his name
between his agents and his mortgagees!
96
THE FABIAN SOCIETY
went and did so, and then found, as he once said, that his
advisers were awestruck, as they had not read it themselves!
It was then accessible only in the French version at the British
Museum. William Archer has testified to the diligence with
which Shaw studied Marx's great work; he caught his first
glimpse of Shaw in the British Museum Library, where he
noticed a " young man of tawny complexion and attire " study-
ing alternately — if not simultaneously — Das Kapital, and an
orchestral score of Tristan and Isolde!
While Darwin, Huxley, Spencer and their school left a distinct
impress upon Shaw's mind, it is nevertheless true that he never
became a Darwinian. To-day he is violently opposed to
Darwinian materialism; and yet the Shavian philosophy, his-
torically considered, is a natural consequence of that bitter
fight against convention, custom, authority, and orthodoxy,
inaugurated by Darwin and his followers. But Shaw's soci-
ologic doctrine is a distillation, not of the Descent of Man or
of the Data of Ethics, but of Das Kapital. At this crucial
period in Shaw's career he was exactly in the mood for Marx's
reduction of all the conflicts to the conflict of classes for
economic mastery, of all social forms to the economic forms
of production and exchange. The real secret of Marx's fas-
cination for him, as he once said, was " his appeal to an unnamed,
unrecognized passion — a new passion — the passion of hatred in
the more generous souls among the respectable and educated
sections for the accursed middle-class institutions that had
starved, thwarted, misled, and corrupted them from their
cradles." In Marx, Shaw found a kindred spirit ; for, like Marx,
his whole life had bred in him a defiance of middle-class respecta-
bility, of revolt against its benumbing and paralyzing influence.
As Shaw once said:
" Marx's ' Capital ' is not a treatise on Socialism ; it is a
jeremiad against the bourgeoisie, supported by such a mass
of evidence and such a relentless genius for denunciation
as had never been brought to bear before. It was supposed
to be written for the working classes; but the working
man respects the bourgeoisie and wants to be a bourgeois;
97
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
Marx never got hold of him for a moment. It was the
revolting sons of the bourgeoisie itself— Lassalle, Marx,
Liebknecht, Morris, Hyndman, Bax, all, like myself,
bourgeois crossed with squirearchy — that painted the flag
red. Bakunin and Kropotkin, of the military and noble
caste (like Napoleon), were our extreme left. The middle
and upper classes are the revolutionary element in society ;
the proletariat is the conservative element, as Disraeli well
knew." *
Some such Marxist passion, one surmises, subsequently carried
weight with Shaw in influencing his choice of the Fabian Society
as the fit milieu for the development and exploitation of his
energy and talent. For at heart Shaw is what his plays so
abundantly prove him — the revolted bourgeois.
Not only did Marx's jeremiad against the bourgeoisie awaken
instant response in Shaw : it changed the whole tenor of his life.
No single book — not the Bible of orthodoxy and respectability,
certainly — has influenced Shaw so much as the " bible of the
working classes." It made him a Socialist. Although he has
since repudiated some of the fundamental economic theories of
Marx, at this time he found in Das Kapital the concrete expres-
sion of all those social convictions, grievances and wrongs which
seethed in the crater of his being. He became that most deter-
mined, most resistless, and often most dangerous of men to deal
with, a man with a mission. " From that hour," I once heard
Mr. Shaw say, " I became a man with some business in the
world."
During the years 1883 and 1884 Shaw threw himself heart
and soul into the exciting task of Socialist agitation and propa-
gandism. His dogged practice in public speaking now began
to demonstrate its value with telling effect. While he spent his
days in criticizing books in the Pall Mall Gazette and pictures
in the World, he devoted his evenings to consistent and strenuous
Socialist propagandism. He accepted invitations to address all
* Who I Am, and What I Think.— Part I. In the Candid Friend, May
11th, 1901.
98
THE FABIAN SOCIETY
sorts of bodies on every day in the week, Sunday not excepted.
Remember his confession that he first caught the ear of the
British public on a cart in Hyde Park, to the blaring of brass
bands. During these years, also, he was coming into close touch
with the younger generation destined soon to unite in a solid
phalanx as the Fabian Society. Probably no living man has
touched modern life at so many points as has Bernard Shaw.
In his lifetime he has traversed a very lengthy arc on the circle
of modern culture, modern thought and modern philosophy.
Sovereign contempt for the laggard is one of his prominent
characteristics ; he himself has ever been an " outpost thinker "
on the firing-line of modern intellectual conflict. Essentially
significant because essentially modern, Shaw owes no small share
of his ability, his versatility, and his breadth of interests to his
voraciously acquisitive, acutely inquisitive intellect. Clever ac-
quaintances, brimming with ideas, and overflowing with com-
bative zeal, furnished grist for the ceaselessly active mill of
Shaw's intelligence. No biography which failed to trace the
shaping influence exerted upon Shaw's frantically complex
career by such men as Hubert Bland, Graham Wallas, Sidney
Olivier, Sidney Webb and William Morris, could lay just claim
to the title of genuine natural history.
At the Land Reform Union Shaw first met Sidney Olivier,
then upper division clerk in the Colonial Office. Sidney Webb
and Sidney Olivier, very close friends, were the two resident
clerks there. When Webb, at Shaw's persuasion, joined the
Fabians'; Olivier went with him. There existed a very close
relation, not only between the various members of the Fabian
Society, but also between many of the advanced societies which
came to life at this time. For example, Sidney Olivier, who was
secretary of the Fabian Society for several years, and Edward
Carpenter's brother, Captain Alfred Carpenter, of the Royal
Navy, married sisters; in this way there was a sort of family
connection between the Socialist and Humanitarian movements.
Olivier had made friends at Oxford with Graham Wallas, who
was probably influenced ^through this connection to become a
Fabian. The very intimate relation existing between Shaw,
Webb, Olivier and Wallas, and the consequent marked influence
99
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
upon Shaw's literary career and performance, will be spoken of
elsewhere at greater length. It is noteworthy that all of these
men possessed literary talents of no mean order. Webb's books
have a world-wide reputation. Olivier's play, Mrs. MaocwelVs
Marriage, has been performed by the London Stage Society;
and his literary talent has displayed itself, not only in plays,
but also in verse, essay and story.* In addition to his ability
as a facile public speaker, Graham Wallas also possessed lit-
erary talent of no mean order, displayed to best advantage in
his book on Francis Place, with its lucid exposition of the way
in which politics are " wire-pulled " in England by real
reformers.f
Another man of talent, whose very opposition of belief and
view-point exerted a sort of stimulating influence upon Shaw,
was William Clarke, an Oxford M.A., who contributed the
chapter on The Industrial Basis of Socialism to Fabian Essays.
A Whitmanite, with strong feelings of rationalist type, allied in
spirit to Martineau, the Unitarians, and their logical out-
growth, the American Ethical Society, Clarke made upon Shaw
an ineffaceable impression. Shaw first met this remarkable man
at the Bedford Society — a meeting which bore fruit in Clarke's
joining the Fabian Society. Clarke had lectured in America,
known Whitman, and is remembered as the author of several
books. Although a successful lecturer, he had by this time
exhausted the interest of lecturing, being much older than the
other Fabians. A very unlucky man, he was, in consequence,
very poor. It has been often said that in the matter of philan-
thropy Shaw never let his right hand know what his left was
doing ; he found a way to relieve Clarke's poverty without even
letting Clarke, who quarrelled with everything and everybody,
suspect that he was the recipient of benefaction. When the
Daily Chronicle changed its policy and decided to give a column
* Entering the Colonial Office twenty-five years ago, he served as Colonial
Secretary of the Island of Jamaica from 1899 to 1904, and on three occa-
sions served as Acting Governor. From 1905 to 1907 he was principal
clerk in the West African Department; in April, 1907, he was appointed
Governor of Jamaica, to succeed Sir Alexander Swettenham, and he was
made a K.C.M.G. on King Edward's birthday in 1907.
fLife of Francis Place. Longmans, 1898.
100
THE FABIAN SOCIETY
in its pages to Labour, its concerns and interests, the editor, in
his search for young blood, hit upon Shaw, who quietly substi-
tuted Clarke in his place. Had Clarke ever discovered the truth
it might have mitigated the profound moral horror of Shaw he
always entertained. How Shaw must have chuckled over the
latent comedy ! The secret philanthropist regarded as a moral
anarchist, a monstrum horrendum, by his highly moral bene-
ficiary! To Clarke, an altruist and moralist to the backbone,
the dawning of Ibsenism, of Nietzscheism, of Shavianism, seemed
to be the coming of chaos. " Yet the fact that I knew his
value and insisted on it, and that I could sympathize even with
his horror of me," Mr. Shaw once told me, " kept our personal
relations remorsefully cordial. The last time I called on him
was in the influenza period. He was working madly, as usual.
He would have certainly refused to see anyone; but he was
alone in the flat, and opened the door for me. With a savage,
set face that would have made even Ibsen's mouth look soft
by contrast, he said, through his shut teeth : * I can give you
five minutes and that is alV ' My dear Clarke,' I replied,
ambling idly into his study, s I must leave in half an hour to
keep an appointment; and I have just been thinking how I am
to get away from you so soon; for I know you won't let me
go.' And it turned out exactly as I said. We began to discuss
the Parnell divorce case and the Irish crisis, and I could not
get away from him until the hour was nearly doubled." *
The part which the Fabian Society has played in English life,
and the share of Bernard Shaw in the task of advancing the
principles of Collectivism in the last twenty odd years, alone
offer ample material for a book. So diverse in its ramifications
is the subject, that it will be possible here to trace the evolu-
* Peculiarly sad are the subsequent details of Clarke's life. After saving
about a thousand pounds by frenziedly working away for several years as
a journalist, he lost it all again in an unfortunate investment in the Lib-
erator Building Society — the enterprise of the notorious Jabez Balfour.
With an assured reputation as a journalist and author, Clarke might have
repaired his fortunes. But the first great influenza epidemic almost killed
him; and each year thereafter the epidemic laid upon him its increasingly
tenacious grip. At last he sought to regain his health by foreign travel,
only to die in Herzegovina. Clarke was the first leading Fabian to fall.
101
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
tionary advance of Socialism in England only in so far as it
directly bears upon Shaw's career.* As we know, Shaw began
his real education as a pupil of Mill, Comte, Darwin and
Spencer. Converted to Socialism by Henry George and his
Progress and Poverty, Shaw took to insurrectior r y economies
after reading Das Kapital. Marx's book won ] upport be-
cause it so fiercely " convicted private propert p wholesale
spoliation, murder and compulsory prostitutio >f plague,,
pestilence and famine; battle, murder and sudden . th." For
some time before joining any Socialist society, ^haw preached
Socialism with the utmost zeal and enthusiasm. The choice of
a society lay between the Social Democratic Federation, the
Socialist League — both quite proletarian in their rank and file,
both aiming at being large working-class organizations — and
the Fabian Society, which was middle-class through and
through. " When I myself, on the point of joining the Social
Democratic Federation, changed my mind and joined the
Fabian instead," Shaw once wrote, " I was guided by no dis-
coverable difference in programme or principle, but solely by
an instinctive feeling that the Fabian, and not the Feder-
ation, would attract the men of my own bias and intellec-
tual habits, who were then ripening for the work that lay be-
fore us."
The meetings held at Thomas Davidson's rooms at Chelsea in
1881-1883 furnished the initial impulse to the ethical Socialism
in England of the last thirty years. As an immediate outcome
of these meetings the Fabian Society sprang into being. In
September, 1882, Thomas Davidson, recently returned from
Italy, where he had been engaged in writing an interpretation
of the ethical philosophy of Rosmini, gathered about him
a group of people " interested in religious thought, ethical
propaganda, and social reform." Among their number were
Messrs. Frank Podmore, Edward R. Pease, Havelock Ellis,
Percival Chubb, Dr. Burns Gibson, H. H. Champion, the late
William Clarke, Hubert Bland, the Rev. G. W. Allen and W. I.
* In this connection, compare Socialism in England, by Sidney Webb.
Swan, Sonnenschein and Co., 1890.
102
THE FABIAN SOCIETY,
17, OSNABUBGH STREET, ReQENT*8 PaRK.
% Itaifestfl.
1 For always id thine eyes, O Liberty !
Shines that high light whereby the world is saved
And, though thou slay us, wa will trust in thee.**
LONDON :
GEO. STANDRING, 8 & 9, FTNSBTJRY STREET, EC.
1884
Facsimile of Covee of Fabian Tract, No. 2.
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
Jupp, Miss Caroline Hadden, Miss Dale Owen and Mrs. Hinton.
According to M.. Havelock Ellis, Davidson was convinced of
" the absolute necessity of founding practical life on philo-
sophical conceptions; of living a simple, strenuous, intellectual
life, so far as possible communistically, and on a basis of natural
religion. It was Rosminianism, one may say, carried a step
further." The many meetings at Mr. Pease's rooms in Osna-
burgh Street and elsewhere finally bore fruit in a series of
resolutions proposed by Dr. Burns Gibson.* Certain members
of the circle, led by Mr. Podmore, who desired to have a society
on more general lines, purposed organizing a second society,
not necessarily exclusive of the " Fellowship," on broader and
more indeterminate lines, leaving it open to anyone to belong
to both societies. At a meeting on January 4th, 1884, these
proposals were substantially agreed to. The original name,
" The Fellowship of the New Life," was retained by those who
originally devised it, and a new organization constituted under
the title of " The Fabian Society." f
The Fabian Society, as Shaw has told us in characteristic
style, was " warlike in its origin ; it came into existence through
a schism in an earlier society for the peaceful regeneration of
the race by the cultivation of perfection of individual char-
acter. Certain members of that circle, modestly feeling that
the revolution would have to wait an unreasonably long time if
postponed until they personally had attained perfection, set
up the banner of Socialism militant, seceded from the regen-
erators, and established themselves independently as the Fabian
*The society was entitled "The Fellowship of the New Life," and its
first manifesto was entitled Vita Nuova. The following was its original
basis, as drawn up by Mr. Maurice Adams, and adopted on November
16th, 1883:
"We, recognizing the evils and wTongs that must beset men so long
as our social life is based upon selfishness, rivalry and ignorance, and
desiring above all things to supplant it by a life based upon unselfish-
ness, love and wisdom, unite, for the purpose of realizing the higher life
among ourselves, and of inducing and enabling others to do the same.
" And we now form ourselves into a Society, to be called the Guild
of the New Life, to carry out this purpose."
f Compare Memorials of Thomas Davidson, the Wandering Scholar,
collected and edited by William Knight. T. Fisher Unwin, London, 1907.
104
THE FABIAN SOCIETY
Society." Shaw was not one of the original Fabians; in fact,
he knew nothing of the society until its first Uact, Why are the
Many Poor? fell into his hands. For some reason the name of
the society struck him as an inspiration. His choice fell upon
that society in which he could gratify his desire to work with
a few educated and clever men of the type of Sidney Webb.
In the earliest stage of the society the Fabians were content
with nothing less than the prompt " reconstruction of society
in accordance with the highest moral possibilities." Shaw
joined the society on September 5th, 1884, when it was about
eight months old, and in the labour-notes versus pass-books
stage of evolution. Shaw actually debated with a Fabian who
had elaborated a pass-book system, the question whether money
should be permitted under Socialism, or whether labour-notes
would not be a more suitable currency! The next two tracts,
numbered 2 and 3, were from Shaw's pen; and although they
were, as he now rightly regards them, mere literary boutades,
they serve as an important link in the history of the evolution
of the society.* Tract No. 4, What Socialism Is, answering the
* Tract No. 2, dated 1884, which is now very rare, has for motto the
words of the late John Hay:
"For always in thine eyes, O Liberty!
Shines that high light whereby the world is saved;
And, though thou slay us, we will trust in thee."
Certain sections of this manifesto deserve quotation as illustrative of Shaw's
original and characteristic mode of expression:
" That, under existing circumstances, wealth cannot be enjoyed
without dishonour, or forgone without misery.
" That the most striking result of our present system of farming out
the national land and capital to private individuals has been the divi-
sion of society into hostile classes, with large appetites and no dinners
at one extreme, and large dinners and no appetites at the other.
" That the State should compete with private individuals — espe-
cially with parents — in providing happy homes for children, so that
every child may have a refuge from the tyranny or neglect of natural
custodians.
" That men no longer need special political privileges to protect them
against women; and that the sexes should henceforth enjoy equal po-
litical rights.
"That the established Government has no more right to call itself
the State than the smoke of London has to call itself the weather.
105
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
question both from the Collectivist and Anarchist point of view,
reveals the early Anarchistic leanings of the society; the tract
really contained nothing that had not already been better stated
in the famous Communist Manifesto of Marx and Engels.
Shaw was especially impressed by the fact that, in Das Kapital,
Marx had made the most extensive use of the documents con-
taining the true history of the leaps and bounds of England's
prosperity, e.g., the Blue Books. This convinced him that a
tract stuffed with facts and figures, with careful references to
official sources, was what was wanted. Incapable of making such
tracts unaided, Shaw at once bethought him of Sidney Webb.
That " walking encyclopaedia," the student who knew everything
and forgot nothing, could do it, Shaw was aware, as well as it
could be done. So he brought all his powers of persuasion to
bear on Sidney Webb. Picture to yourself the scene— two
earnest, enthusiastic, revolutionary young men walking up and
down Whitehall, outside the Colonial Office door, holding long
and weighty discussions, often prolonged into the wee small
hours, concerning the future of Socialism — the keen wit and
agile logic of Shaw pitted against the sound judgment and
sane conservatism of Webb. In this crucial juncture Shaw's
proved the heavier artillery, and Webb became a Fabian. It
would be difficult to lay one's finger upon any circumstance of
deeper, more permanent, or more salutary effect upon Shaw's
whole life. When Sidney Webb joined the Fabian Society there
began a new and profoundly significant chapter in the history
of Bernard Shaw. The debt Shaw owes to Webb is incalculable,
and no one is readier to affirm it than Shaw himself. On various
occasions I have heard Mr. Shaw unstintingly ascribe to Mr.
Webb the greatest measure of credit for formulating and direct-
" That we had rather face a civil war than such another century of
suffering as the present one has been."
Tract No. 3, addressed " To Provident Landlords and Capitalists," urged
the proprietary classes to support " all undertakings having for their object
the parcelling out of waste or inferior lands among the labouring class, and
the attachment to the soil of a numerous body of peasant proprietors."
Among the probable results of such a reform was mentioned (section 5) :
"The peasant proprietor, having a stock in the country, will, unlike the
landless labourer of to-day, have a common interest with the landlord in
resisting revolutionary proposals."
106
THE FABIAN SOCIETY
ing the policy of the Fabian Society for many years. " The
truth of the matter," Mr. Shaw once said to me, " is that Webb
and I are very useful to each other. We are in perfect contrast,
each supplying the deficiency in the other." On the other hand,
Mr. Webb assigns the chief credit to Mr. Shaw; and in a per-
sonal letter, as well as in conversation, he has assured me that
Mr. Shaw has been not simply a leading member, but the leading
member of the Fabian Society practically from its foundation,
and that it has always expressed his political views and work.
1 think we may safely say that Mr. Shaw and Mr. Webb have
been mutually complementary — and complimentary.
The immediate result of the acquisition of Webb, the new
recruit of the Fabians, was Tract No. 5, Facts for Socialists, a
tangible proof of Webb's richly-stored mind and well-nourished
scholarship. A comparison of this tract with those numbered
2 and 3 is sufficient evidence of the vast practical improvement
Webb effected in the publications of the society. From this
time forth the tracts and manifestos of the Fabian Society took
on character and importance through the fortunate conjunction
of Webb's encyclopaedic mind and Shaw's literary sense. The
next publication of importance was Tract No. 7, Capital and
Land, a survey of the distribution of property among the classes
in England. Drafted by Sidney Olivier, this tract was aimed
in reality at the Georgites, who regarded capital as sacred. It
exhibits growth of independent thought on the part of the
society, and courage in breaking away from the fetters of
" mere Henry Georgism."
Eight years later, that official organ of the Gladstonians, the
Speaker, defined Fabianism as a " mixture of dreary, gassy doc-
trinairism and crack-brained farcicality, set off by a portentous
omniscience and a flighty egotism not to be matched outside
the walls of a lunatic asylum." Such denunciatory invective
reveals the activity and influence the Fabian Society must have
exerted, during those years, in the direction most dreaded by the
older Whigs. But many were the lessons learned, the hard
knocks received, the follies rejected, before Fabianism was
sufficiently dangerous and important to be honoured with the
scathing denunciation of the Speaker. The Fabian wisdom grew
107
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
out of the Fabian experience; scientific economics out of in-
surrectionary anarchism. Decidedly catastrophic in their views
at first, the Fabians were not unlike the young Socialist Shaw
somewhere describes, who plans the revolutionary programme
as an affair of twenty-four lively hours, with Individualism in
full swing on Monday morning, a tidal wave of the insurgent
proletariat on Monday afternoon, and Socialism in complete
working order on Tuesday. After Mrs. Wilson, subsequently
one of the Freedom Group of Kropotkinist Anarchists, joined
the Fabians, a sort of influenza of Anarchism spread through
the society.* In regard to political insurrectionism, the
Fabians exhibited no definite and explicit disagreement with the
Social Democratic Federation, avowedly founded on recogni-
tion of the existence of a class war. All, Fabians and Social
Democrats alike, said freely that " as gunpowder destroyed the
feudal system, so the capitalist system could not long survive
the invention of dynamite " ! Not that they were dynamitards ;
but, as Shaw explains : " We thought that the statement about
gunpowder and feudalism was historically true, and that it
would do the capitalists good to remind them of it." The saner
spirits did not believe the revolution could be accomplished
merely by singing the Marseillaise; but some of the youthful
and insurgent enthusiasts " were so convinced that Socialism
had only to be put clearly before the working classes to con-
centrate the power of their immense numbers into one irresistible
organization, that the revolution was fixed for 1889 — the anni-
versary of the French Revolution — at latest." Shaw was cer-
tainly not one of the conservative forces; he was outspokenly
catastrophic and alarmingly ignorant of the multifarious deli-
cate adjustments consequent upon a widespread social cata-
clysm. " I remember being asked satirically and publicly at
that time," Shaw afterwards wrote, " how long it would take
to get Socialism into working order if I had my way. I replied,
with a spirited modesty, that a fortnight would be ample for
the purpose. When I add that I was frequently complimented
on being one of the more reasonable Socialists, you will be able
* Compare Fabian Tract No. 41.
108
THE FABIAN SOCIETY
to appreciate the fervour of our conviction and the extravagant
levity of our practical ideas." *
Broadly stated, the Fabians, in 1885, proceeded upon the
assumption that their projects were immediately possible and
realizable, an assumption theoretically as well as practically
unsound. At the Industrial Remunerative Conference they
denounced the capitalists as thieves; while among themselves
they were vehemently debating the questions of revolution,
anarchism, labour-notes versus pass-books, and other like futile
and daring projects. The tacit assumption under which they
worked, the purpose of their campaign with its watchwords:
" Educate, Agitate, Organize," was " to bring about a tre-
mendous smash-up of existing society, to be succeeded by com-
plete Socialism." This romantic, almost childlike faith in the
early consummation of that far-off divine event, towards which
the whole of Socialist creation moves, meant nothing more nor
less, as Shaw freely admits, than that they had no true practical
understanding either of existing society or Socialism. But the
tone of the society was changing, gradually and almost imper-
ceptibly, from that of insurrectionary futility to economic prac-
ticality. Their tracts and manifestos voiced, less and less fre-
quently, forcible-feeble expressions of altruistic concern and
humanitarian indignation. The practical bases of Socialism,
the Fabians began to realize, were in sore need of being laid.
And there can be no doubt that the frank levity and irreverent
outspokenness, which are the distinguishing traits of Shaw, the
artist, were given the fullest field for development in the early
days of Fabian controversy, when no rein was put on tongue or
imagination. It was at this period, Shaw has told us, that the
Fabians contracted the invaluable habit of freely laughing at
themselves — a habit which has always distinguished them, always
saved them from being dampened by the gushing enthusiasts who
mistake their own emotions for public movements. As Shaw
once expressed it :
* The Transition to Social Democracy, an address delivered on September
7th, 1888, to the Economic Section of the British Association at Bath.
Printed in Fabian Essays, but first published in Our Corner, November,
1888, edited by Annie Besant.
109
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
" From the first such people fled after one glance at us,
declaring that we were not serious. Our preferences for
practical suggestions and criticisms, and our impatience of
all general expressions of sympathy with working-class
aspirations, not to mention our way of chaffing our oppo-
nents in preference to denouncing them as enemies of the
human race, repelled from us some warm-hearted and elo-
quent Socialists, to whom it seemed callous and cynical to
be even commonly self-possessed in the presence of the
sufferings upon which Socialists make war. But there was
far too much equality and personal intimacy among the
Fabians to allow of any member presuming to get up and
preach at the rest in the fashion which the working-class
still tolerate submissively from their leaders. We knew
that a certain sort of oratory was useful for ' stoking up '
public meetings; but we needed no stoking up, and when
any orator tried the process on us, soon made him under-
stand that he was wasting his time and ours. I, for one,
should be very sorry to lower the intellectual standard of
the Fabian by making the atmosphere of its public dis-
cussions the least bit more congenial to stale declamation
than it is at present. If our debates are to be kept whole-
some, they cannot be too irreverent or too critical. And
the irreverence, which has become traditional with us, comes
down from those early days when we often talked such
nonsense that we could not help laughing at ourselves." *
No perceptible difference in the various Socialist societies in
England was apparent until the election of 1885. When the
Social Democratic Federation and that high priest of Marxism,
the eloquent H. M. Hyndman, first appeared in the field, they
" loomed hideously in the guilty eye of property." Whilst the
Fabians numbered only forty, the Federation in numbers and
influence was magnified out of all proportion by the imagination
of the public and the political parties. The Tories actually
believed that the Socialists could take enough votes from the
* Tract No. 41, The Fabian Society: Its Early History, by G. Bernard
Shaw.
110
THE FABIAN SOCIETY
Liberals to make it worth their while to pay the expenses of
two Socialist candidates in London.* The Social Democrats
committed a huge tactical blunder in accepting Tory gold to
pay the expenses of these elections, to say nothing of making
the damaging exposure that, as far as voting power was con-
cerned, the Socialists might be regarded as an absolutely
negligible quantity. A more serious result of the " Tory money
job " to the Federation was the defection of many of its adher-
ents. The Socialist League, in the language of American Na-
tional Conventions, viewed with indignation and repudiated
with scorn the tactics of " that disreputable gang," the S. D. F.,
as it was currently designated; while the Fabians, more parlia-
mentary in tone, passed the following resolution : " That the
conduct of the Council of the Social Democratic Federation in
accepting money from the Tory party in payment of the election
expenses of Socialist candidates is calculated to disgrace the
Socialist movement in England." Certain members of the Fed-
eration, under the leadership of C. L. Fitzgerald and J. Mac-
donald, seceded from it, and in February, 1886, formed a new
body called " The Socialist Union," which eked out a precarious
existence for barely two years. Far from being reinforced by
the secessionists, the Fabians were, on the contrary, only the
more inevitably forced to formulate their own principles, to
mature their own individual policy. From this time forward,
they were classed by the Federation as a hostile body. And,
as Shaw says, " We ourselves knew that we should have to find
a way for ourselves without looking to the other bodies for
a trustworthy lead."
During the years 1886 and 1887, which mark the high tide
and recession of Insurrectionism in recent English Socialist his-
tory, the sane tacticians, the Fabians, took little or no hand
in the revolutionary projects for the relief of the unemployed.
The budding economists were not wedded to street-corner agita-
* The main facts of the history of the Fabian Society as here recorded
are derived chiefly from Fabian Tract, No. 41, The Fabian Society: Its
Early History, by Mr. Shaw, and from conversations with Mr. Shaw.
Compare, also, The Fabian Society, by William Clarke; Preface to Fabian
Essays. Ball Publishing Co., Boston, 1908.
Ill
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
tions ; nor was their help wanted by the men who were organizing
church parades and the like. These were years of great distress
among the labouring classes, not only in England, but in Hol-
land, in Belgium, and especially in the United States. " These
were the days when Mr. Champion told a meeting in London
Fields that if the whole propertied class had but one throat
he would cut it without a second thought if by doing so he
could redress the injustices of our social system; and when Mr.
Hyndman was expelled from his club for declaring on the
Thames Embankment that there would be some attention paid
to cases of starvation if a rich man were immolated on every
pauper's tomb." After the 8th of February, 1886, that mad
Monday of window-breaking, shop-looting, and carriage-
storming memory, Hyndman, Champion, Burns, and Williams
were arrested and tried for inspiring the agitation, but were
acquitted. " The agitation went on more violently than ever
afterwards ; and the restless activity of Champion, seconded by
Burns' formidable oratory, seized on every public opportunity,
from the Lord Mayor's Show to services for the poor in West-
minster Abbey or St. Paul's, to parade the unemployed and
force their claims upon the attention of the public." Champion
gave up in disgust when, impatient of doing nothing but march-
ing hungry men about the streets and making speeches to them,
he encountered only refusal of his two proposals to the Federa-
tion: either to empower him to negotiate some scheme of relief
with his aristocratic sympathizers, or else go to Trafalgar
Square and stay there until something should happen. Matters
reached a crisis when the police, alarmed by the occasional pro-
posals of incendiary agitation to set London on fire simultane-
ously at the Bank, St. Paul's, the House of Commons, the Stock
Exchange, and the Tower, cleared the unemployed out of the
Square. But the agitation for right of meeting grew universal
among the working-classes; and finally Mr. Stead, with the
whole working-class organization at his back, gave the word
" To the Square I " * To the Square they all went, therefore,
* For an interesting account of the early movements of Socialistic con-
sciousness in England, compare An Artist's Reminiscences, by the artist,
Walter Crane; Chapter "Art and Socialism," pp. 249-338. Methuen and
Co., 1907.
112
THE FABIAN SOCIETY
Shaw tells us, with drums beating and banners waving, in their
tens of thousands, nominally to protest against the Irish policy
of the Government, but really to maintain the right of meeting
in the Square. With the new Chief Commissioner of Police,
however, it was, as one of Bunyan's Pilgrims put it, but a word
and a blow. " That eventful 13th of November, 1887, has since
been known as ' Bloody Sunday.' The heroes of it were Burns
and Cunninghame Graham, who charged, two strong, at the
rampart of policemen round the Square and were overpowered
and arrested. The heroine was Mrs. Besant, who may be said
without the slightest exaggeration to have all but killed herself
with overwork in looking after the prisoners, and organizing in
their behalf a * Law and Liberty League ' with Mr. Stead.
Meanwhile, the police received the blessing of Mr. Gladstone;
and Insurrectionism, after a two years' innings, vanished from
the field and has not since been heard of. For, in the middle
of the revengeful growling over the defeat at the Square, trade
revived ; the unemployed were absorbed ; the Star newspaper ap-
peared to let in light and let off steam; in short, the way was
clear at last for Fabianism. Do not forget, though, that In-
surrectionism will reappear at the next depression in trade as
surely as the sun will rise to-morrow morning." *
Being " disgracefully backward " in open-air speaking, the
Fabians had been somewhat overlooked in the excitements of
the unemployed agitations. They had only Shaw, Wallas and
Mrs. Besant as against Burns, Hyndman, Andrew Hall, Tom
Mann, Champion and Burrows, of the Federation, and numerous
representative open-air speakers of the Socialist League. The
sole contribution of the Fabians to the agitation was a report,
printed in 1886, recommending experiments in tobacco culture,
and even hinting at compulsory military service as a means of
* Shaw's mother was never able to persuade herself, so strong were her
aristocratic instincts, that in becoming a Socialist, George had not allied
himself with a band of ragamuffins. One day, while walking down Regent
Street with her son, she inquired who was the handsome gentleman on the
opposite side. On being told that it was Cunninghame Graham, the dis-
tinguished Socialist, she protested : " No, no, George, that's impossible.
Why, that man's a gentleman ! "
113
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
absorbing some of the unskilled unemployed. Drawn up by
Bland, Hughes, Podmore, Stapleton and Webb, this was the first
Fabian publication that contained any solid information. In
June, 1886, the temper of the society over the social question
having cooled to some extent, the Fabians " signalized their
repudiation of Sectarianism " by inviting the Radicals, the
Secularists, and anyone else who would come, to a great confer-
ence, modelled upon the Industrial Remunerative Conference, and
dealing with the Nationalization of Land and Capital. Fifty-
three societies sent delegates, and eighteen papers were read
during the three afternoons and evenings the conference lasted.
Among those who read papers were two Members of Parliament,
William Morris and Dr. Aveling, of the Socialist League, Mr.
Foote and Mr. Robertson, of the National Secular Society.
Wordsworth Donisthorpe, Stuart Headlam, Dr. Pankhurst, Mrs.
Besant, Edward Carpenter and Stuart-Glennie represented vari-
ous other shades of Socialist doctrine and belief. The main
result of the conference was to make the Fabians known to the
Radical clubs and to prove that they were able to manage a
conference in a business-like way.
By this time the Fabians had definitely rejected Anarchism,
and were agreed as to the advisability of setting to work by the
ordinary political methods. The revolutionary hue of the so-
ciety, however, was not obliterated without many wordy duels
with that section of the Socialist League which called itself
Anti-Communist, chiefly represented by Mr. Joseph Lane and
William Morris.* It finally became necessary to put the matter
to a vote in order to determine how many adherents Mrs. Wilson,
the one avowed Anarchist among the Fabians, could muster.
There ensued a spirited debate over the advisability of the So-
cialists organizing themselves as a political party " for the
purpose of transferring into the hands of the whole working
community full control over the soil and the means of produc-
tion, as well as over the production and distribution of wealth "
— a debate in which Morris, Mrs. Wilson, Davis and Tochatti
were pitted against Burns, Mrs. Besant, Bland, Shaw, Donald
* Compare To-Day, edited by Hubert Bland, for the year 1886.
114
THE FABIAN SOCIETY
and Rossiter. The resolution of Mrs. Besant and Bland, in
favour of the organization of such a party, was finally carried,
while Morris's " rider," discountenancing as a false step the
attempt of the Socialists to take part in the Parliamentary con-
test, was subsequently rejected. The Fabian Parliamentary
League, an organization within the society itself, to which any
Fabian might belong, was now formed in order to avoid a break
with the Fabians who sympathized with Mrs. Wilson. The pre-
liminary manifesto of this body, dated February, 1887, gives
the first sketch of the Fabian policy of to-day.* The League,
Shaw tells us, first faded into a Political Committee of the
society, and then merged silently and painlessly into the general
body. The few branches of the League which Mrs. Besant
formed in the provinces had but a short life, quite to be ex-
pected at this time, for, outside Socialistic circles in London,
the society remained unknown.
In connection with Shaw's own individual development, we
shall soon see how the Fabians received their training for public
life and became " equipped with all the culture of the age."
Suffice it to state here that the Fabians had now thoroughly
grounded themselves in the historic, economic and moral bearings
of Socialism. Their rejection of Anarchism and Insurrection-
ism was not accomplished without the expenditure of many
words, was not unattended by ludicrous results. The minutes
of the tumultuous meeting, signalized by the Besant-Bland-
Morris resolutions and attendant heated debate, closed with the
significant words :
" Subsequently to the meeting, the secretary received
notice from the manager of Anderton's Hotel that the
Society could not be accommodated there for any further
meetings."
At any rate, even at the cost of being refused a meeting-
place, the Fabians had finally demolished Anarchism in the
abstract " by grinding it between human nature and the theory
* This manifesto, in full, is to be found in Fabian Tract No. 41, pp. 13-14.
115
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
of economic rent." They now began to train the artillery of
their culture and economic equipment upon practical politics.
The Fabian Conference of 1886, attesting the repudiation of
sectarianism by the Fabians, had been boycotted by the S. D. F.
In 1888, the Fabians adopted a policy which severed the last
link between the Fabian Society and the Federation. The
Fabians began to join the Liberal and Radical, or even the Con-
servative, Associations, to become members of the nearest Radical
Club and Co-operative Store, and, whenever possible, to be
delegated to the Metropolitan Radical Federation and the Lib-
eral and Radical Union. By making speeches and moving
resolutions at the meetings of these bodies, and using the Par-
liamentary candidate for the constituency as a catspaw, the
Fabians succeeded in " permeating " the party organizations.
So adroitly did the Fabians manage their machinery of political
wire-pulling that in 1888 they gained the solid advantage of
a Progressive majority full of ideas " that would never have
come into their heads had not the Fabians put them there," on
the first London County Council. In Shaw's words, in 1892:
" The generalship of this movement was undertaken
chiefly by Sidney Webb, who played such bewildering con-
juring tricks with the Liberal thimbles and the Fabian peas,
that to this day both the Liberals and the Sectarian So-
cialists stand aghast at him. It was exciting whilst it
lasted, all this ' permeation of the Liberal party,' as it
was called ; and no person with the smallest political intelli-
gence is likely to deny that it made a foothold for us in
the press and pushed forward Socialism in municipal
politics to an extent which can only be appreciated by
those who remember how things stood before our cam-
paign. When we published * Fabian Essays ' at the end
of 1889, having ventured with great misgiving on a sub-
scription edition of a thousand, it went off like smoke;
and our cheap edition brought up the circulation to about
twenty thousand. In the meantime, we had been cramming
the public with information in tracts, on the model of our
earliest financial success in that department, namely, Facts
lie
m
I
n
THE SOCIALIST.
From a photograph taken in July. 1891
[Facing p. lie;
THE FABIAN SOCIETY
for Socialists, the first edition of which actually brought
us a profit — the only instance of the kind then known. In
short, the years 1888, 1889, 1890 saw a Fabian
boom. . . . " *
In the Political Outlook, last of the Fabian Essays, Hubert
Bland wisely predicted that the moment the party leaders had
unmasked the Fabian designs, they would rally round all the
institutions the Fabians were attacking. They might either
put off the Fabians by raising false issues, such as Leaseholds
Enfranchisement and Disestablishment of the Church, or, in
order to defeat the Fabian candidates, coalesce with their rivals
for office — just as, for example, the Republicans and Democrats
united in the defeat of Henry George for mayor of New York
City. In less than two years, Bland's prediction was verified.
When Sidney Webb sought to force to political action a certain
" Liberal and Radical " London Member of Parliament, who
had unwarily expressed views virtually identical with Socialism,
the startled politician discovered that he was not a Socialist and
that Webb was. Although the word to " close up the ranks
of Capitalism against the insidious invaders " was promptly
given, it came too late, for the permeation had gone on too
long. But the result was the " show-down " of the Fabian hand,
and the call for a " new deal." In fact, the Conference of the
London and Provincial Fabian Societies at Essex Hall on Febru-
ary 6th, 1892, was called together, not to celebrate the con-
tinuance of the permeation boom, but to face the fact that it
was over. The time had come for a new departure. In his
address before that conference, Shaw unhesitatingly said : " No
doubt there still remains, in London, as everywhere else, a vast
mass of political raw material, calling itself Liberal, Radical,
Tory, Labour, and what not, or even not calling itself anything
at all, which is ready to take the Fabian stamp if it is adroitly
and politely pressed down on it. There are thousands of thor-
oughly Socialized Radicals to-day who would have resisted So-
* Tract No. 41: The Fabian Society: Its Early History, by G. Bernard
Shaw.
117
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
cialism fiercely if it had been forced on them with taunts,
threats, and demands that they should recant all their old pro-
fessions and commit what they regard as an act of political
apostasy. And there are thousands more, not yet Socialized,
who must be dealt with in the same manner. But whilst our
propaganda is thus still chiefly a matter of permeation, that
game is played out in our politics. . . . We now feel that we
have brought up all the political laggards and pushed their
parties as far as they can be pushed, and that we have therefore
cleared the way to the beginning of the special political work
of the Socialist — that of forming a Collectivist party of those
who have more to gain than to lose by Collectivism, solidly
arrayed against those who have more to lose than to gain by
it." And his final words project no absurdly Utopian dream of
striking the shackles from the white slaves of Capital. While
expressing undiminished hope for the possibilities of a distant,
yet realizable, future, they reveal the sanity of the practical
man of affairs, of the realist Shaw has so often magnified and
celebrated. " You know what we have gone through, and what
you will probably have to go through. You know why we
believe that the middle-classes will have their share in bringing
about Socialism, and why we do not hold aloof from Radicalism,
Trade-Unionism, or any of the movements which are tradition-
ally individualistic. You know, too, that none of you can more
ardently desire the formation of a genuine Collectivist political
party, distinct from Conservative and Liberal alike, than we
do. But I hope you also know that there is not the slightest
use in merely expressing your aspirations unless you can give
us some voting power to back them and that your business in
the provinces is, in one phrase, to create that voting power.
Whilst our backers at the polls are counted by tens, we must
continue to crawl and drudge and lecture as best we can. When
they are counted by hundreds we can permeate and trim and
compromise. When they rise to tens of thousands we shall take
the field as an independent party. Give us hundreds of thou-
sands, as you can if you try hard enough, and we will ride the
whirlwind and direct the storm."
118
THE CART AND TRUMPET
" I leave the delicacies of retirement to those who are gentlemen first
and literary workmen afterwards. The cart and trumpet for me." — On
Diabolonian Ethics. In Three Plays for Puritans, p. xxii.
CHAPTER V
" T F the art of living were only the art of dialectic ! If this
J. world were a world of pure intellect, Mr. Shaw would be
a dramatist." Mr. Walkley damns the dramatist to deify the
dialectician. Many would deny Shaw the possession of a heart ;
few can deny him the possession of a remarkable brain and a
phenomenal faculty of telling speech. The platform orator of
to-day — easy, nonchalant, resourceful, instantaneous in repartee,
unmatched in hardiesse, sublime in audacity — Shaw was once a
trembling, shrinking novice. The veteran of a thousand verbal
combats was once afraid to raise his voice; the blagueur, the
" quacksalver " of a thousand mystifications, was once afraid
to open his mouth ! After all, the " brilliant " and " extraor-
dinary " Shaw is only a self-made man. The sheer force of his
will, exerted with tremendous energy ever since he came to
man's estate, is the great motor which has carried him in his
lifetime " from the seventeenth to the twenty-first century." A
scientific natural history of Bernard Shaw's extraordinary
career should make clear to all young aspirants that the extraor-
dinariness of that career lies in its ordinariness. " Like a green-
grocer and unlike a minor poet," as Mr. Shaw once put it to
me, " I have lived instead of dreaming and feeding myself with
artistic confectionery. With a little more courage and a little
more energy I could have done much more; and I lacked these
because in my boyhood I lived on my imagination instead of on
my work."
Bernard Shaw has unravelled life's tangles with infinite pa-
tience. No cutting of Gordian knots for him. To ignore his
training, his dogged persistence, his undaunted " push, pluck
and perseverance," is unduly to magnify his natural capacity.
Sacrifice the phenomenon and you find the personality ; off with
the marvel and on with the man. In a letter to me, written in
1904, Mr. Shaw gave due, almost undue, credit to the influence
of training:
121]
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
" It has enabled me to produce an impression of being
an extraordinarily clever, original and brilliant writer, de-
ficient only in feeling, whereas the truth is that, though I
am in a way a man of genius — otherwise I suppose I could
not have sought out and enjoyed my experiences and been
simply bored by holidays, luxury and money — yet I am
not in the least naturally ' brilliant,' and not at all ready
or clever. If literary men generally were put through the
mill I went through and kept out of their stuffy little
coteries, where works of art breed in and in until the
intellectual and spiritual product becomes hopelessly degen-
erate, I should have a thousand rivals more brilliant than
myself. There is nothing more mischievous than the notion
that my works are the mere play of a delightfully clever
and whimsical hero of the salons: they are the result of
perfectly straightforward drudgery, beginning in the in-
eptest novel-writing juvenility, and persevered in every day
for twenty-five years."
The combination of supreme audacity with a sort of expansive
and ludicrous self-consciousness has enabled Shaw to secure
many of his most comic effects. And yet he once said with
unreasonable modesty that anybody could get his skill for the
same price, and that a good many people could probably get
it cheaper. He wrested his self-consciousness to his own ends,
transforming it from a serious defect into a virtue of genuine
comic force. The apocryphal incident of Demosthenes and the
pebbles finds its analogue in the case of Shaw. Only the most
persistent and long-continued efforts enabled him to acquire that
sublime hardihood in platform speaking which he deprecatingly
denominates " ordinary self-possession." When Lecky, in 1879,
first dragged him to a meeting of the Zetetical Society, Shaw
knew absolutely nothing about public meetings or public order.
I remember a talk with Mr. Shaw one day at Ayot St. Law-
rence over the morning meal. " I had an air of impudence,
of course," said Mr. Shaw, " but was really an arrant coward,
nervous and self-conscious to a heartrending degree. Yet I
could not hold my tongue. I started up and said something
122
THE CART AND TRUMPET
in the debate, and then felt that I had made such a fool of
myself (mere vanity; for I had probably done nothing in the
least noteworthy) that I vowed I would join the society, go every
week, speak every week, and become a speaker or perish in the
attempt. And I carried out this resolution. I suffered agonies
that no one suspected. During the speech of the debater I
resolved to follow, my heart used to beat as painfully as a
recruit's going under fire for the first time. I could not use
notes ; when I looked at the paper in my hand I could not collect
myself enough to decipher a word. And of the four or five
wretched points that were my pretext for this ghastly practice
of mine, I invariably forgot three — the best three." Yet in
some remarkable way Shaw managed to keep his nervousness
a secret from everyone except himself, for at his third meeting
he was asked to take the chair. He bore out the impression
he had created of being rather uppish and self-possessed by
accepting as off-handedly as if he were the Speaker of the House
of Commons. He afterwards confessed to me that the secretary
probably got the first inkling of his hidden terror by seeing that
his hand shook so that he could hardly sign the minutes of the
previous meeting. There must have been something provocative,
however, even in Shaw's nervous bravado. His speeches, one
imagines, must have been little less dreaded by the society than
they were by Shaw himself, yet it is significant that they were
seldom ignored. The speaker of the evening, in replying at the
end, usually paid Shaw the questionable compliment of address-
ing himself with some vigour to Shaw's remarks, and seldom in
an appreciative vein. Conversant with the political theories of
Mill and the evolutionary theories of Darwin and his school,
Shaw was, on the other hand, " horribly ignorant " of the
society's subjects. He knew nothing of political economy;
moreover, he was a foreigner and a recluse. Everything struck
his mind at an angle that produced reflections quite as puzzling
as at present, but not so dazzling. His one success, it appears,
was achieved when the society paid to Art, of which it was
stupendously ignorant, the tribute of setting aside an evening
for a paper on it by a lady in the " aesthetic " dress of the
period. " I wiped the floor with that meeting," Shaw once told
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
me, " and several members confessed to me afterwards that it
was this performance that first made them reconsider their first
impression of me as a discordant idiot."
Shaw persevered doggedly, taking the floor at every oppor-
tunity. Like the humiliated, defiant Disraeli, in his virgin
speech in the House of Commons, Shaw resolved that some day
his mocking colleagues should hear, aye, and heed him. He
haunted public meetings, so he says, " like an officer afflicted with
cowardice, who takes every opportunity of going under fire to
get over it and learn his business." After his conversion to
Socialism, he grew increasingly zealous as a public speaker. He
was so full of Socialism that he made the natural mistake of
dragging it in by the ears at every opportunity. On one occa-
sion he so annoyed an audience at South Place that, for the
only time in his life, he was met with a demonstration of im-
patience. " I took the hint so rapidly and apprehensively that
no great harm was done," Mr. Shaw once said to me ; " but I
still remember it as an unpleasant and mortifying discovery
that there is a limit even to the patience of that poor, helpless,
long-suffering animal, the public, with political speakers." Such
an incident had never occurred before ; and although Shaw has
spent his life in deriding the public, he has taken care that such
a mortifying experience never occur again. Shaw now began
to devote most of his time to Socialist propagandism. An
eventful experience came to him in 1883, when he accepted an
invitation to address a workmen's club at Woolwich. At first
he thought of writing a lecture and even of committing it to
memory; for it seemed hardly possible to speak for an hour,
without text, when he had hitherto spoken only for ten minutes
in a debate. He now realized that if he were to speak often
on Socialism — as he fully meant to do — writing and learning
by rote would be impossible for mere want of time. He made
a few notes, being by this time cool enough to be able to use
them. He found his feet without losing his head: the sense of
social injustice loosened his tongue. The lecture, called
" Thieves," was a demonstration of the thesis that the pro-
prietor of an unearned income inflicted on the community ex-
actly the same injury as a burglar. Fortified by sceva indig-
124
THE CART AND TRUMPET
natio, Shaw spoke for an hour easily. From that time forth he
considered the battle won.
In March, 1886, Shaw participated in a series of public de-
bates held at South Place Institute, South Place, Finsbury,
E.C. Here for the first time he tried his hand, in a fairly large
hall, on an audience counted by hundreds instead of scores.
" Socialism and Individualism " was the general title of this
series of Sunday afternoon lectures.* This was a daring under-
taking for Shaw, who had neither the experience nor the savoir
faire of his colleagues. It was perhaps for this reason that he
did not particularly distinguish himself, his opponent giving
him as good as he sent. Mrs. Besant, a born orator, was inter-
esting and eloquent, while Webb quite eclipsed Shaw, positively
annihilating his adversary. One who knew him well at this
initial stage, however, said that if Bernard Shaw knew nothing,
he invented as he went along. The lightness of touch, the nim-
bleness of intellect, lacked complete development. At this time
the clever young Irishman had neither memory enough for
effective facts, nor presence of mind enough to be an easy
winner in debate.
No one has yet measured the all-important influence Sidney
Webb has exerted upon Shaw's career, dating from that mem-
orable evening at the Zetetical Society when Shaw gazed in
open-mouthed wonder at that miracle of effectiveness and model
of self-possession. Shaw's admiration has waxed, not waned,
with the passage of time. To-day he regards Webb as one of
the most extraordinary and capable men alive. The critic who,
* On March 6th, Mrs. Annie Besant (Fabian Society) spoke versus Mr.
Corrie Grant, subject: "That the existence of classes who live upon un-
earned incomes is detrimental to the welfare of the community, and ought
to be put an end to by legislation." On March 13th, Mr. G. B. Shaw
(Fabian Society) versus Rev. F. W. Ford, subject: "That the welfare of
the community necessitates the transfer of the land and existing capital
of the country from private owners to the State." On March 20th, Mr.
Sidney Webb (Fabian Society) versus Dr. T. B. Napier, subject: "That
the main principles of Socialism are founded on, and in accordance with,
modern economic science." On March 27th, Mr. H. H. Champion versus
Mr. Wordsworth Donisthorpe (Liberty and Property Defence League),
subject: " That State interference with, and control of, industry is in-
evitable, and will be advantageous to the community."
125
SOUTH PLACE INSTITUTE,
Sooth PtACE. Fiksbury, E.C:
[NEAR MOOtlGATE STtlEEl AND BPOAI' STlll-.EV STATIONS)
Sunday Afternoon Lectures,
Socialism and Individualism.
A SERIES OF DEBATES
Will take place during MARCH as follows
March 6th.
MRS. ANNIE BESANT versus MR CORRIE GRANT.
(Fabian Society.)
Subject : * That the existence of classes who live upon unearned incomes
is detrimental to the welfare of the Community, and ought to be
put au end to by Legislation."
March 13th.
MR. G. BERNARD SHAW vmw REV F W FORD.
(Fabian Society.)
Subject " That the welfare of the Community necessitates the transfer
of the land and existing capital of the Country from private
owners to the state.
March 20th.
MR. SIDNEY WEBB venu* DR. T. 8. NAPIER.
[Fabian Society.)
Subject : " That the main' principles of Socialism are founded on, and in
accordance with Modern Economic Science."
M&rch 27th.
MR. H. H. CHAMPION
verm*
MR. WORDSWORTH DONISTHORPE,
(Liberty end Property Defence League.)
Subject : " That State interference with, and control of industry is
inevitable, and will be advantageous to the Community."
The Chair will be taken each afternoon at 4 o'clock.
!.*>■ ■!■ HI
The audience are requested to refraiu from any interference in the
Debates, which will be confined exclusively to the speakers
announced above.
MR. WALTER HASTINGS
Will give an
OBGAH RECITAL
Each Afterjjoon from 8-30 to 4 o'clock.
ALU SEATS FREE. NO COLLECTION.
Doors open at 3--20.
CONRAD TH1ES, Hon. Sec. to Institute Committee.
Program of Sunday Afternoon Lectures
South Place Institute, South Place, Finsbury, E. C.
March, 1886.
THE CART AND TRUMPET
in Disraelian phrase, regards Shaw as " one vast appropriation
clause," will find some support for this belief in Shaw's state-
ment that the difference between Shaw with Webb's brains and
knowledge at his disposal, and Shaw by himself, is enormous.
" Nobody has as yet gauged it," Mr. Shaw once said in a letter
to me, " because as I am an incorrigible mountebank, and Webb
is one of the simplest of geniuses, I have always been in the
centre of the stage whilst Webb has been prompting me, invisible,
from the side." Shaw's faculties of acquisitiveness and appro-
priation are enormously developed, a fact once comically accen-
tuated by him in the frank avowal he once made to me : " I am
an expert picker of other men's brains, and I have been ex-
ceptionally fortunate in my friends."
It was not without severe training and incessant work that
Shaw and his fellow Fabians acquired the equipment in the his-
toric and economic weapons of Social Democracy, comparable
to that which Ferdinand Lassalle in his day so defiantly flaunted
in the faces of his adversaries. While Stead, Hyndman and
Burns were organizing the unemployed agitation in the streets,
the Fabians were diligently training themselves for public life.
Frank Podmore, a Post Office civil servant, and Edward Rey-
nolds Pease, present secretary of the Fabian Society, two orig-
inal Fabians, were great friends, and the earliest Fabian meet-
ings were held alternately at Pease's rooms in Osnaburgh Street,
and at Podmore's, in Dean's Yard, Westminster.* Certain of
* At this time, it is interesting to recall, Pease and Podmore were deeply
interested in the Psychical Research Society, which had its office in the
Dean's Yard rooms. In this way the Fabians, Shaw in particular, were
brought in close touch with the exploits of this society at its most exciting
period, when Madame Blavatsky was exposed by the American, R. Hodgson.
Compare, for example, Shaw's two book-reviews in the Pall Mall Gazette:
A Scotland Yard for Spectres, being a notice of the Proceedings of the
Society for Psychical Research (January 23d, 1886), and A Life of
Madame Blavatsky (January 6th, 1887). On one eventful evening Shaw
attended a Fabian meeting, then went on to hear the end of a Psychical
Research stance, and ended by sleeping in a haunted house with a com-
mittee of ghost-hunters. Picture, if you can, Shaw's deep mortification,
his intense disgust over having a nightmare on that night of all nights,
and waking up in a corner of the room struggling desperately with the
ghost.
127
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
the Fabians sadly felt the need of solid information and train-
ing, in addition to that afforded by the meetings of the society.
Thrown upon their individual resources, those most scholarly
inclined of the Fabians, a veritable handful, founded the Hamp-
stead Historic Club. First established as a sort of mutual
improvement society for those ambitious Fabians wishing to
read, mark, learn and inwardly digest Marx and Proudhon,
this club was afterwards turned into a systematic history class,
in which each student took his turn at being professor. Thus
they taught each other what they themselves wished to learn,
acquiring the most thorough and minute knowledge of the sub-
ject under discussion. In these days Shaw, Webb, Olivier and
Wallas were the bravoes of advanced economics — the Three
Musketeers and D'Artagnan. As Olivier and Wallas were men
of very exceptional character and attainments, Shaw was en-
abled, as he once expressed it in my presence, to work with
a four-man-power equal to a four-hundred-ordinary-man-
power, which made his feuilletons and other literary perform-
ances " quite unlike anything that the ordinary hermit-crab
could produce." Mr. Shaw thus explained very quaintly the
secret of his success at this period. " In fact the brilliant,
extraordinary Shaw was brilliant and extraordinary; but then
I had an incomparable threshing machine for my ideas — a
machine which contributed heaps of ideas to my little store;
and when I seemed most original and fantastic, I was often
simply an amanuensis with a rather exceptional literary knack,
cultivated by dogged practice." And of his three warm friends
he freely confessed : " They knocked a tremendous lot of non-
sense, ignorance and vulgarity out of me, for we were on quite
ruthless terms with one another."
Another associate, one of the Fabian essayists and now a
journalist, Hubert Bland, was — and is still — of great value to
Shaw and his colleagues, by reason of his strong individuality
and hard common sense, and on account of the fact that his
views ran counter to Webb's on many lines. Bland lived at
Blackheath, on the south side of the river, at this time; and
his wife, the very clever woman and distinguished author, " E.
Nesbit," was a remarkable figure at the Fabian meetings during
128
THE CART AND TRUMPET
the first seven or eight years of its existence. During the era
of the Hampstead Historic Club, Bland had a circle of his
own at Blackheath; and although Hampstead, lying north of
London, was quite out of Bland's district, Shaw and his friends
used sometimes to descend on his evening parties. Bland had
an utter contempt for the Bohemianism of Shaw and his com-
panions, evincing it by wearing invariably an irreproachable
frock-coat, tall hat, and a single eyeglass which infuriated every-
body. Mrs. Bland graciously humoured the reckless Bohemian-
ism of the insouciant Fabians, and on one memorable occasion
stopped them at her door, went for needle and thread, and —
perhaps with a faint hope of preserving the haut ton of her
social evening — then and there sewed up the sleeve of Sidney
Olivier's brown velveteen jacket. A dernier ressort, for the
sleeve was all but torn out! There was some compensation
in the fact that, even then, Olivier fully looked the dignified
part he was one day to fill. But it is not easy to doubt that
the arrant Bohemianism of the luckless Fabians, their reckless
disregard of evening dress, must have been very trying to the
decorum of Blackheath.
Of fierce Norman exterior and great physical strength, Bland
dominated others by force of sheer size. Pugnacious, powerful,
a skilled pugilist, and with a voice which Mr. Shaw once accu-
rately described as being exactly " like the scream of an eagle,"
he made such a formidable antagonist that no one dared be
uncivil to him. Just as William Clarke always combated and
consequently stimulated Shaw by a diametrically opposite point
of view, so Bland exerted a like influence upon Sidney Webb,
and indirectly upon Shaw. Strongly Conservative and Im-
perialist by temperament, Bland stood in sharp contrast to the
Millite, Benthamite recruits of the Fabian Society. There
were many other clever fellows, many other good friends
in Shaw's circle at this time; but through circumstances
of time, place and marriage — the changes and chances of
this mortal life — they could not be in such close touch with
Shaw, Webb, Olivier and Wallas as were these four with one
another.
It is not, of course, to be supposed that Shaw was merely the
129
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
recipient, like Moliere always taking his material where he
found it. In his own peculiar and, at times, vastly irritating
way, he made his personality strongly felt, exerting great influ-
ence by sheer force of a sort of perverse common sense. To
employ Poe's apt descriptive, he was the Imp of the Perverse
made flesh. In the circle of the Fabians there was room for
considerable strife of temperaments, and in the other Socialist
societies, quarrels and splits and schisms were rather frequent.
Unquestionably Shaw's quintessential service to the Fabians lay
in his pioneering ideas and his knack of drafting things in
literary form and arranging his colleagues' ideas for them with
Irish lucidity. A somewhat less conspicuous, yet little less im-
portant, service consisted in clearing the atmosphere, in easing
off the personal friction which not infrequently produced smoke
and at times threatened to kindle a conflagration. This personal
friction Shaw managed to eliminate in a most characteristic
way: by a sort of tact which superficially looked like the most
outrageous want of it. Whenever there was a grievance, instead
of trying to patch matters up, Shaw would deliberately betray
everybody's confidence after the fashion of Sidney Trefusis, by
stating it before the whole set in the most monstrously exag-
gerated terms. What would have been the result among ac-
quaintances less closely linked by ties of personal friendship it
is easy to imagine. The usual result, however, of Shaw's hazard-
ous and tactless outspokenness was that everybody repudiated
his monstrous exaggerations, and whatever of grievance there
was in the matter was fully explained. Of course, Shaw was
first denounced as a reckless mischief-maker, and afterwards for-
given as a privileged lunatic.
Once every fortnight, for a number of years, Shaw attended
the meetings of the Hampstead Historic Club; and in the
alternate weeks he spent a night at a private circle of econo-
mists which subsequently developed into The Royal Economic
Society. Fabian, and especially Shavian, Socialism is strictly
economic in character, a circumstance due in no small measure
to the fact that in this circle of economists the social question
was left out and the work kept on abstract economic lines. In
speaking of this period, Shaw afterwards confessed:
130
THE CART AND TRUMPET
" I made all my acquaintances think me madder than
usual by the pertinacity with which I attended debating
societies and haunted all sorts of hole-and-corner debates
and public meetings and made speeches at them. I was
President of the Local Government Board at an amateur
Parliament where a Fabian ministry had to put its pro-
posals into black-and-white in the shape of Parliamentary
Bills. Every Sunday I lectured on some subject I wanted
to teach to myself; and it was not until I had come to the
point of being able to deliver separate lectures, without
notes, on Rent, Interest, Profits, Wages, Toryism, Liberal-
ism, Socialism, Communism, Anarchism, Trade-Unionism,
Co-operation, Democracy, the Division of Society into
Classes, and the Suitability of Human Nature to Systems
of Trust Distribution, that I was able to handle Social
Democracy as it must be handled before it can be preached
in such a way as to present it to every sort of man from
his own particular point of view. In old lecture lists of
the Society you will find my name down for twelve different
lectures or so. Nowadays (1892), I have only one, for
which the secretary is good enough to invent four or five
different names." *
The only opponents who held their own against the Fabians
in debate, men like Levy and Foote, had learned in the harsh
school of experience ; like the Fabians, they had found pleasure
and profit in speaking, in debating, and in picking up bits of
social information in the most out-of-the-way places. It was
this keen Socialistic acquisitiveness of the Fabians, their readi-
ness to eschew the conventional amusements for the pleasure
to be derived from speaking several nights each week, which
prepared them for the strenuous platform campaigns of the
future. And such fun it was to the Fabian swashbucklers !
After being " driven in disgrace " out of Anderton's Hotel, and
subsequently out of a chapel near Wardour Street in which
they had sought sanctuary, the Fabians went to Willis's Rooms,
* Tract No. 41, The Fabian Society: Its Early History, by G. Bernard
Shaw.
131
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
the most aristocratic and also, as it turned out, the cheapest
place of meeting in London. " Our favourite sport," says Shaw,
" was inviting politicians and economists to lecture to us, and
then falling on them with all our erudition and debating skill,
and making them wish they had never been born." On one
occasion the Fabians confuted Co-operation in the person of
Mr. Benjamin Jones on a point on which, as Shaw afterwards
confessed, they subsequently found reason to believe that they
were entirely in the wrong and he entirely in the right. The
16th of March, 1888, commemorates the most signal victory
of the Fabians in this species of guerrilla warfare. On that
night of glorious memory a well-known member of Parliament,
now the Secretary of State for War, lured into the Fabian
ambuscade, was butchered to make a Fabian holiday. The
following ludicrous account of the incident was written by the
Individualist, Mr. G. Standring, in The Radical, March 17th,
1888. Picture to yourself the scene — a spacious and lofty
apartment, brilliantly lighted by scores of wax candles in hand-
some candelabra, and about eighty ladies and gentlemen, seated
around on comfortable chairs, lying in wait ^or the unsuspecting
M.P. The company is composed almost exclusively of members
of the Fabian Society — " A Socialist body whose motto is :
Don't be in a hurry ; but when you do go it, go it thick ! "
" Such were the surroundings when, on March 16th, Mr.
R. B. Haldane, M.P., was brought forth to meet his fate.
The hon. gentleman, who is a lawyer and Member for
Haddingtonshire, was announced to speak on ' Radical
Remedies for Economic Evils,' but one could easily see
that this was a mere ruse of war. The Fabian fighters
were drawn up in battle array before the Chairman's table,
ready for the fatal onslaught.
" Truth to tell, Mr. Haldane did not appear at all
alarmed at the prospect of his impending butchery. Erect
and manly, he stood at the table, and in calm, well-chosen
language showed cause for his belief that Radical princi-
ples and Radical methods are sufficient to cure the evils
of society. He then critically examined a Fabian pam-
THE CART AND TRUMPET
phlet, ' The True Radical Programme,' and put in de-
murrers thereto. The hon. and learned gentleman spoke
for an hour, and as I sat on my cushioned chair, encom-
passed round about by Socialists, breathing an atmosphere
impregnated with Socialism, I listened, and softly mur-
mured : ' Verily, an angel hath come down from heaven ! '
" As the last words of Mr. Haldane died away, the short,
sharp tones of the Chairman's voice told that the carnage
was about to commence. After some desultory questioning,
Mr. Sidney Webb sprang to his feet, eager, excited and
anxious to shake the life out of Mr. Haldane before anyone
else could get at him. He spoke so rapidly as to become
at times almost incoherent. Mr. Webb seemed to be
charged with matter enough for a fortnight, and he was
naturally desirous to fire as much of it as possible into
the body of the enemy. At length the warning bell of
the Chairman was heard, and the attack was continued by
Mrs. Annie Besant, who, standing with her back to the
foe, occasionally faced round to emphasize a point. Then
up rose George Bernard Shaw, and as he spoke, his gestures
suggested to me the idea that he had got Mr. Haldane
impaled upon a needle, and was picking him to pieces
limb by limb, as wicked boys disintegrate flies. Mr. Shaw
went over the Radical lines as laid down by his opponent,
and this was the burden of his song: That is no good,
this is no good, the other is no good — while you leave nine
hundred thousand millions, in the shape of Rent and In-
terest, in the hands of an idle class. Let us nationalize
the nine hundred thousand millions, and all these (Radical)
things shall be added unto you. Mr. Shaw fired a Parthian
shot as he sat down. Mr. Haldane had spoken of educa-
tion, elementary and technical, as a means of advancing
national welfare. Shaw met this with open scorn, and
declared that the most useful and necessary kind of educa-
tion was the education of the Liberal party ! With that he
subsided in a rose-water bath of Fabian laughter.
" The massacre was completed by two other members of
the Society, and then the Chairman called upon Mr. Hal-
133
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
dane to reply. Hideous mockery ! the Chairman knew that
Haldane was dead! He had seen him torn, tossed and
trampled underfoot. Perhaps he expected the ghost of the
M.P. to rise and conclude the debate with frightful gibber-
ings of fleshless jaws and gestures of bony hands. Indeed,
I heard a rustling of papers, as if one gathered his notes
for a speech ; but I felt unable to face the grisly horror of
a phantom replying to its assassins, so I fled."
The three great influences, formative and determinative,
whose importance in their bearing upon Shaw's career can
scarcely be overestimated, are: first, minute and exhaustive re-
searches into the economic bases of society ; second, his persever-
ing efforts as a public man toward the practical reformation of
patent social evils ; and, third, his strenuous activity persisted
/ in for many years, as a public speaker and Socialist propa-
N gandist. His plays are so permeated with the spirit of eco-
nomic and social research that they may be called, with little
exaggeration, clinical lectures upon the social anatomy of our
time. Shaw, the public man, the man of affairs, never the literary
recluse of the ivory tower, stands revealed alike in criticism
and drama. There is more truth than jest in Shaw's statement,
generally greeted with derisive scepticism, that his plays differ
from those of other dramatists because he has been a vestryman
and borough councillor. And there is scarcely a play of
Shaw's which does not bear the hall-mark of the facile debater.
His weekly feuilletons, his literary criticisms, provocative, argu-
mentative, controversial, smack of the arena and the public
platform.
This close touch with actual life, this vital association with
public effort and social reform, have imparted to Shaw's literary
productions a rare, an unique flavour. He has gone down
unflinchingly into the pitiless and dusty arena to joust against
all comers. Shaw has never lived the literary life, never be-
longed to a literary club. He has never lived " Vauguste vie
quotidienne d^un Hamlet^ who, as Maeterlinck asserts, has time
to live because he does not act. Shaw has found life in action,
action in life. Although he brought all his powers unsparingly
134
THE CART AND TRUMPET
to the criticism of the fine arts, he never frequented their social
surroundings. When he was not actually writing or attending
performances, his time was fully taken up by public work, in
which he was fortunate enough to be associated with a few men
of exceptional ability and character. From 1883 to 1888, he
was criticizing books in the Pall Mall Gazette and pictures in
the World. This left him his evenings free ; consequently he did
a tremendous amount of public speaking and debating — speak-
ing in the open air, in the streets, in the parks, at demonstra-
tions— anywhere and everywhere. While he never belonged to
a literary club, so called, he was a member of several literary
societies in London. His intimate acquaintance with Shake-
speare was improved by his quiet literary off-nights at the New
Shakespeare Society under F. J. Furnival. Elected a member
of the Browning Society by mistake, Shaw stood by the mistake
willingly enough, and spent many breezy and delightful evenings
at its meetings. " The papers thought that the Browning
Society was an assemblage of long-haired aesthetes," Shaw once
remarked to me ; " in truth, it was a conventicle where pious
ladies disputed about religion with Furnival, and Gonner and
I egged them on." * When Furnival founded the Shelley So-
ciety, Shaw, of course, joined that, and became an extremely
enthusiastic and energetic member. It was at the Shelley
Society's first large meeting that Shaw startled London by
announcing himself as, " like Shelley, a Socialist, an atheist,
and a vegetarian." f Shaw was afterwards active in forwarding
the fine performance of The Cenci, given by the Shelley Society,
before it succumbed to its heavy printer's bills. Such were
Shaw's recreations; but his main business was Socialism. It
was first come first served with Shaw. Whenever he received
* The Gonner here referred to is E. C. K. Gonner, M.A., now Brunner
Professor of Economic Science at the University College, Liverpool.
f While Shaw has stated publicly numbers of times that he was an
atheist, an explanation here is necessary. Shaw has always had a strong
sense of spiritual things; his declarations of atheism should always be
taken with the context. "If this be religion," he has virtually said in
reply to someone's exposition of religion, "then I am an atheist." In the
case of Shelley, it is perfectly plain that Shaw meant that he was all these
things— a Socialist, an atheist and a vegetarian— in the Shelleyan sense.
135
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
an invitation for a lecture, like his own character Morell, he
gave the applicant the first date he had vacant, whether it was
for a street corner, a chapel, or a drawing-room. He spoke to
audiences of every description, from University dons to London
washerwomen. From 1883 to 1895, with virtually no exception,
he delivered a harangue, with debate, questions, and so on,
every Sunday — sometimes twice or even thrice — and on a good
many weekdays. This teeming and tumultuous life was passed
on many platforms, from the British Association to the triangle
at the corner of Salmon's Lane in Limehouse.
In 1888, when he became a critic of music, Shaw was re-
stricted solely to lectures on Sundays, as he could not foresee
whether he should have the opera or a concert to attend on
week-nights. It is remarkable how much he managed to do,
even with this handicap, especially as he had to speak usually
on short notice.* At last, as was inevitable with a man burning
the candle at both ends, the strain began to tell; Shaw found
it impossible to deal with all the applications he received. For
an advanced and persistently progressive thinker like Shaw, the
unavoidable repetition of the old figures and the old demonstra-
tions in time grew irksome. He felt the danger of becoming,
like Morell, a windbag — what George Ade calls a " hot-air ma-
chine." By 1895, the machine was no longer by any means in
full blast; the breakdown of Shaw's health, in 1898, finished him
as a systematic and indefatigable propagandist. His work
went on almost uninterrupted, however, although it was no
longer explicit propagandism. Indeed, he worked more strenu-
ously than ever on the St. Pancras Vestry, now the St. Pancras
Borough Council. Since 1898, Shaw has lectured only occa-
* " Take the amusing, cynical, remarkable George Bernard Shaw, whose
Irish humour and brilliant gifts have partly helped, partly hindered the
(Fabian) Society's popularity. This man will rise from an elaborate criti-
cism of last night's opera or Richter concert (he is the musical critic of the
World), and after a light, purely vegetarian meal, will go down to some
far-off club in South London or to some street corner in East London, or
to some recognized place of meeting in one of the parks, and will there
speak to poor men about their economic position and their political duties." —
William Clarke, in The Fabian Society and Its Work. Preface to Fabian
Essays. Ball Publishing Co., Boston, 1908.
136
THE CART AND TRUMPET
sionally, but often enough for a man who wishes to preserve
his health and strength. His labour as head of the Fabian So-
ciety, during the years 1906-7, in giving form and definiteness
to the policy of that society, was one of the greatest works of
his life — a work to which he gave his time and energy without
stint. Many of his Fabian colleagues assured me that no one
but Bernard Shaw could have accomplished so signal and so
sweeping a victory. Within a year or two, he will doubtless
resign his arduous duties as head and centre of the Fabian
Society. And it is probable, he recently told me, that he will
never again undertake another platform campaign.
Shaw's " knack of drafting things," as he calls it, has played
no inconsiderable figure in his career. Simultaneously with his
desperate attack on the platform, Shaw was acquiring what he
denominates the " committee habit." Whenever he joined a
society — even the Zetetical — his marked executive ability soon
placed him on the committee. In learning the habits of public
life and action simultaneously with the art of public speaking,
he gained a great deal of valuable experience — experience which
cannot be acquired in conventional grooves. The constant and
unceremonious criticism of men who were at many points much
abler and better informed than himself, developed in Shaw two
distinctive traits — self-possession and impassivity. It is certain
that his experience as a man of affairs actively engaged in public
work, municipal and political, gave him that behind-the-scenes
knowledge of the mechanism and nature of political illusion
which seems so cynical to the spectators in front.
According to the current view, Shaw has always been a
voracious man-eater, like a lion going about seeking whom he
might devour. On the contrary, instead of flinging down the
gauntlet to any and every one, Shaw never challenged anyone
to debate with him in public. To Shaw, it seemed an unfair
practice for a seasoned public speaker, and no test at all of
the validity of his case — a duel of tongues, of no mort value
than any other sort of duel. In the eighties, the Socialist
League, of which William Morris was the leading figure, made
an effort to arrange a debate between Shaw and Charles Brad-
laugh, who had graduated from boy evangelism to the rank of
137
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
the most formidable debater to be found in the House of
Commons. In more than one place, but notably in The Quintes-
sence of Ibsenism, Shaw has paid the highest tribute to the
remarkable qualities of Bradlaugh as thinker and dialectician.
The Socialist League challenged Bradlaugh to debate, and
chose Shaw as their champion, although he was not even a
member of that body. Bradlaugh made it a condition that
Shaw should be bound by all the pamphlets and utterances of
the Social Democratic Federation, a strongly anti-Fabian body.
Had Shaw been richer in experience in such matters, he would
undoubtedly have let Bradlaugh make what conditions he
pleased, and then said his say without troubling about them.
As it was, Shaw proposed a simple proposition, " Will Social-
ism benefit the English people ? " with a simple, general definition
of Socialism. But Bradlaugh refused this; and the debate —
as Bradlaugh probably intended — did not come off. At the
time, Shaw was somewhat relieved over the issue, being very
doubtful of his ability to make any great showing against
Bradlaugh; he has since privately expressed his regret that the
debate did not take place. Bradlaugh was a tremendous de-
bater, and in point of " personal thunder and hypnotism "
Shaw would have been, in sporting parlance, outclassed. But
to Shaw, whose forte is always offence, it would have been a great
gratification to tackle Bradlaugh in his own hall — the Hall of
Science, in Old Street, St. Luke's. At least Shaw could have
had his say.
At a later time, Bradlaugh debated the question of the Eight-
Hours' Day with H. M. Hyndman — their second platform
encounter. But both sides were dissatisfied, as neither of them
stuck to his subject, and the result was inconclusive. A debate
on the same question was then arranged between Shaw and
G. W. Foote, Bradlaugh's successor as President of the National
Secular Society. In this, Shaw's only public set debate with the
exception of one in earlier days at South Place chapel, the ques-
tion was ably and carefully argued by both parties, without
rancour, bitterness, or personal abuse.* The debate lasting
* In a long contemporary account of the debate, a French newspaper
commented approvingly on the high tone maintained throughout, placing
138
THE CART AND TRUMPET
two nights, and presided over by Mr. G. Standring and Mr.
E. R. Pease in turn, was held at the Hall of Science, London,
on January 14th and 15th, 1891. The verbatim report, which
is still procurable, exhibits the best qualities of Shaw as a cool-
headed, logical debater. His two speeches, markedly ironical
in tone, are frequently punctuated by the bracketed (applause).
Mr. Foote closed one of his speeches with the rather effulgent
peroration, " Every question must be threshed out by public
debate. Let truth and falsehood grapple — whichever be truth
and whichever be falsehood ; for, as grand old John Milton said,
} Whoever knew truth put to the worse in a free and open en-
counter? '" — a sentiment greeted with loud applause. To
which Shaw delightfully responded : " I do not know, gentlemen,
what a free and open encounter might bring about ; but if John
Milton asks me whoever saw truth put to shame in such an
encounter with falsehood as it has a chance of having in the
present condition of society, then I reply to John Milton that
George Bernard Shaw has seen it put to shame very often."
Shaw maintained that a reduction of hours would raise wages,
not prices, and that doing it by law was the only possible way
of doing it. His closing words clearly mirror his view of the
mission of Socialism, the reason of its existence.
" I can only say, for myself, that the debate has been
a pleasant one to me, because of the friendly terms on
which Mr. Foote and I stand. I even imagine there is a
bond between Mr. Foote and myself that may serve a little
to explain this. Mr. Foote and I, on a certain subject —
the established religion of this country — entertain the same
views. Now, those views have directed our attention very
strongly towards the necessity of maintaining the freedom
of the individual to hold what views he likes, to have free-
dom of speech and association for the purpose of following
out all his conclusions, and establishing a genuine culture
the English in sharp contrast with French debates on similar subjects,
which were not regarded as unqualified successes unless they broke up in
personal encounters, with the attendant imprecations: " Assassins I A baa
fo* Socialities ! A la lanternet"
139
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
founded on facts, and not on the dogmas of any church
whatsoever. I confess that in the days before I had studied
economic questions I was filled with the necessity of indi-
vidual freedom on these points, and that I also had that
strong distrust of the State which Mr. Foote has expressed
here to-night. But when my attention was turned to the
economic side of the question, I soon became convinced that
the real secret of the State's hostility to the advance of
reasonable views was that Reason condemned the propertied
institutions of this country. Property is the real force
that hypocritically expresses itself as Religion. I there-
fore came to the conclusion that we shall never get out
of the mess we are in until the workers come to understand
that they are already deprived of individual freedom by
the irresistible physical force of the State, and that they
can escape from its oppression only by seizing on the
political power, and using that very State force to emanci-
pate themselves, and impose their will on the minority which
now enslaves them. That is the reason that, just as I urge
the importance of individual freedom of speech, so I also
urge on the workers that they cannot possibly help them-
selves by individual action so long as this terrible State
is outside them, and ready to cut them down at every
point. I believe that they can, by concerted action, not
merely in trade unions, but in a united democracy, get
complete control of the State, and use its might for their
own purposes; and when they once come to understand
this, I believe their emancipation will only be delayed until
they have learned from experience the true conditions of
social freedom." *
There is another feature of Shaw's career as a public speaker
which exhibits his attitude towards the work in life he had set
before him. Shaw fights for what seems to many less like
liberty than licence of speech. He never submitted his intelli-
* The Legal Eight Hours Question. A two-nights' public debate be-
tween Mr. G. W. Foote and Mr. George Bernard Shaw. Verbatim Report.
London: R. Forder, 28, Stonecutter Street, E.C. 1891.
140
THE CART AND TRUMPET
gence, his will, or his power to alien domination. He has never
belonged to any political party, rightly considered, never
cringed under any lash, never realized in his own experience what
he himself has called the only real tragedy : " the being used by
personally-minded men for purposes which you recognize as
base." It was the determination to remain untrammelled in
thought and action which forbade his ever accepting payment
for speaking. Very often provincial Sunday Societies invited
him to come down for the usual ten guineas fee and give the
usual sort of lecture, avoiding politics and religion. Shaw's
invariable answer to such requests was that he never lectured
on anything but politics and religion, and that his fee was the
price of his railway ticket third-class, if the place was further
off than he could afford to go at his own expense. The Sunday
Society would then " come around " and assure Shaw that he
might, on these terms, lecture on anything he liked; and he
always did. Occasionally, to avoid embarrassing other lecturers
who lived by lecturing, the thing was done by a debit and credit
entry : that is, Shaw took the usual fee and expenses, and gave
it back as a donation to the society. Shaw once related to me
the circumstances of a most interesting contretemps, which
alone would suffice to justify his desire for freedom of speech,
his wisdom in arming himself against the accusation of being
a professional agitator. " At the election of 1892, I was mak-
ing a speech in the Town Hall of Dover, when a man rose and
shouted to the audience not to let itself be talked to by a hired
speaker from London. I immediately offered to sell him my
emoluments for five pounds. He hesitated; and I came down
to four pounds. At last I offered to take five shillings — half-a-
crown — a shilling — sixpence — for my fees, and when he would
not take them at that, claimed that he must know perfectly
well that I was there at my own expense. If I had not been
able to do this, the meeting, which was a difficult and hostile
one (Dover being a hopeless, corrupt Tory constituency) would
probably have been broken up."
As Mr. Clarence Rook has remarked, London first opened
her eyes in wonder over the versatile " G. B. S." when she dis-
covered that in the daytime he preached revolt to the grimy
141
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
East from a tub, and in the evening sent William Archer and
the cultured West into peals of merriment over his Arms and
the Man. In those halcyon transpontine days London began
to take pains to be present at Shaw's delightful dialectical per-
formances at Battersea. Shaw lectured often in Battersea be-
cause it was John Burns' stronghold. Never was Shaw's sky-
rocketing brilliance more effectively displayed than in one of
his orations at the Washington Music Hall, with Clement Ed-
wards in the chair. In this oration he proved that no con-
clusion could be drawn from a bare profession of Socialism as
to what side a man would take on any concrete political issue.
In speaking of this remarkable effort, Mr. Shaw recently told
me the following incident : " I remember hearing a workman say
to his wife as I came up behind them on my way to the station:
' When I hear a man of intellect talk like that for a whole
evening, it makes me feel like a worm.' Which made me feel
horribly ashamed of myself. I felt the shabbiest of impostors,
somehow, though really I gave him the best lecture I could."
With the exception of his two nights' wrestle with G. W. Foote,
Shaw's most sustained effort — an oration lasting about four
hours — was delivered in the open air on a Sunday morning at
Trafford Bridge, Manchester. Shaw takes pleasure in declaring
that one of his best speeches, about an hour and a half long,
was delivered in Hyde Park in the pouring rain to six policemen
sent to watch him, and the secretary of the little society that had
invited him to speak. " I was determined to interest those
policemen, because as they were sent there to listen to me, their
ordinary course, after being once convinced that I was a rea-
sonable and well-conducted person, would be to pay no further
attention. But I quite entertained them. I can still see
their waterproof capes shining in the rain when I shut my
eyes."
Courage and daring, as well as fertility and inventiveness,
often enabled Shaw to carry his point or to have his say, in the
face of violent and almost invincible opposition. He has more
than once actually voted against Socialism in order to forward
the motion in hand. And once, in St. James's Hall, London,
at a meeting in favour of Woman's Suffrage, he ventured with
142
THE CART AND TRUMPET
success upon a curious trick, the details of which he once related
to me :
" Just before I spoke a hostile contingent entered the
room, and I saw that we were outnumbered, and that an
amendment would be carried against us. They were all
Socialists of the anti-Fabian sort, led by a man whom I
knew very well, and who was at that time worn out with
public agitation and private worry, so that he was excita-
ble almost to frenzy. It occurred to me that if they, instead
of carrying an amendment, could be goaded to break up
the meeting and disgrace themselves, the honours would
remain with us. I made a speech that would have made
a bishop swear and a sheep fight. My friend the enemy,
stung beyond endurance, dashed madly to the platform
to answer me then and there. His followers, thinking he
was leading a charge, instantly stormed the platform, and
broke up the meeting. Then the assailants reconstituted
the meeting and appointed one of their number chairman.
I then demanded a hearing, which was duly granted me as
a matter of fair play, and I had another innings with
great satisfaction to myself. No harm was done and no
blow struck, but the papers next morning described a scene
of violence and destruction that left nothing to be desired
by the most sanguinary schoolboy."
Like Ibsen, Shaw has barely escaped the honour of being im-
prisoned— an honour which, it is needless to say, he never
sought. Fortunately for Shaw, the religious people always
joined with the Socialists to resist the police. Twice, in dif-
ficulties raised by attempts of the police to stop street meetings,
Shaw was within an ace of going to prison. The first time,
the police capitulated on the morning of the day when Shaw
was the chosen victim. The second time Shaw was so fortunate
as to have in a member of a rival Socialist society a disputant
for the martyr's palm. One can sympathize with Shaw's secret
relief when, on a division, his rival defeated him by two votes !
One of the most remarkable speakers in England to-day, Ber-
nard Shaw is not simply a talent, a personality : he is a public
143
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
institution. People flock to his lectures and addresses, and his
bons mots are quoted in London, New York, Berlin, Vienna and
St. Petersburg. He is the most universally discussed man of
letters now living. Not since Byron has any British author
enjoyed an international audience and vogue comparable to
that enjoyed by Bernard Shaw. No one in our time is Shaw's
equal in searching analysis and trenchant exposition of the ills
of modern society. His ability to see stark reality and to know
it for his own makes of him the most powerful pamphleteer,
the most acute journalist-publicist since the days of Swift.
His indictments of the fundamental structure of contemporary
society prove him the greatest master of comic irony since the
days of Voltaire. Inferior to Anatole France in artistry and
urbanity, Shaw excels him in the strenuousness of his personal
sincerity and in the scope of his purpose. Shaw's manner of
speaking is as individual, as distinctive, as is his style as an
essayist or his fingering as a dramatist. That priceless and
inalienable gift which has helped to make Jean Jaures the leader
of modern Socialists — the power of touching the emotions — is
a quality which Shaw, like Disraeli before him, wholly lacks.
In Shaw there is no spark of the mesmeric force, the hypnotic
power of the born orator; he lacks that romance, that power
of dramatic visualization, which is a quality of all true oratory.
While it is true that people do not " orate " in England as
they do in America, still there is a vast difference between the
born orator, like Jaures or Mrs. Besant, and the practised
public speaker, like Shaw. All that could be acquired, Shaw
acquired. Not Charles Bradlaugh himself had a more thorough
training than had Shaw. He is facile, fluent and fertile; he
does not leave all his qualities behind him when he mounts
the platform. In fine, Shaw has fulfilled to the letter his early
vow, solemnly taken the night he joined the Zetetical Society.
He has delivered considerably more than a thousand public
addresses, and the best of them were masterpieces of their kind.
And yet Shaw has only a very ordinary voice; and in order
to make himself comfortably heard by a large audience he has
to be very careful with his articulation and to speak as though
he were addressing the auditor furthest from him.
144?
THE CART AND TRUMPET
With his long, loose form, his baggy and rather bizarre
clothes, his nonchalant, quizzical, extemporaneous appearance;
with his red hair and scraggly beard, his pallid face, his bleak
smile, his searching eyes flashing from under his crooked brows ;
with his general air of assurance, privilege and impudence — Ber-
nard Shaw is the jester at the court of King Demos. Startling,
astounding, irrepressible, he fights for opposition, clamours
for denial, demands suppression. Shaw was once completely
floored by a workman, who rose after he had completed a mag-
nificent pyrotechnic display, and said : " I know quite well that
Bernard Shaw is very clever at argument, and that when I
sit down he will make mincemeat of everything I say. But
what does that matter to me? I still have my principles."
Shaw had to admit, as he once told me in speaking of the
incident, that this was unanswerable and thoroughly sound
at bottom. " Call me disagreeable, only call me something,"
clamours Shaw ; " for then I have roused you from your stupid
torpor and made you think a new thought." The incarnation
of intellect, not of hypnotism, of reason, not of oratory, this
strange image of Tolstoy as he was in his middle years has
always made his audience think new thoughts. He has never
given the audience what it liked; he has always given it what
he liked, and what he thought it needed: a bitter and tonic
draught. The successes of the orator who is the mere mouth-
piece of his audience have never been his. But he has achieved
a more enviable and more arduous distinction; I have heard
him say with genuine pride that more than once he has been
the most unpopular man in a meeting, and yet carried a reso-
lution against the most popular orator present by driving
home its necessity. For the transports which the popular
orator raises by voicing popular sentiment Shaw has no use.
Of the orator's power of entrancing people and having his
own way at the same time he has never had a trace. He is
the arch-foe of personal hypnotism, of romance, of sensuous
glamour. He has sought the accomplishment of the demand of
his will; he never practised speaking as an art or an accom-
plishment. The desire for that, he once told me, would never
have nerved him to utter a word in public. Just as Zola used
145
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
his journalistic work as a hammer to drive his views into the
brain of the public, Shaw used his dialectical skill as a weapon,
as a means to the end of making people think. One might truly
say of all the things that he has either spoken or written : " lis
donnent a penser furieusement" As a speaker, he first startled
and provoked his audience to thought, and then annihilated their
objections with the sword of logic and the rapier of wit. His
ready answer for every searching query, his instantaneous leap
over every tripping barrier, seemed to the novice a proof of
very genius. To strange audiences, his readiness in answering
questions and meeting hostile arguments seemed astonishing,
miraculous. On several different occasions I have heard Mr.
Shaw modestly give the explanation of this apparently magic
performance. " The reason was that everybody asks the same
questions and uses the same arguments. I knew the most ef-
fective replies by heart. Before the questioner or debater had
uttered his first word I knew exactly what he was going to
say, and floored him with an apparent impromptu that had
done duty fifty times before." Shaw always carefully thought
out the thing for himself in advance, and, which is far more
important, had thought out not only an effective, but also a
witty answer to the objections that were certain to be raised.
This is the secret of Shaw's success in every task which he has
undertaken: to think each thing out for himself, and to couch
it in terms of scathing satire and fiery wit. His is the sceptical
Socratic method pushed to the limit.
Confronted with the point-blank question : " To what do you
owe your marvellous gift for public speaking? " Shaw charac-
teristically replied : " My marvellous gift for public speaking is
only part of the G. B. S. legend. I am no orator, and I have
neither memory enough nor presence of mind enough to be a
really good debater, though I often seem to be when I am on
ground that is familiar to me and new to my opponents. I
learned to speak as men learn to skate or to cycle — by doggedly
making a fool of myself until I got used to it. Then I practised
it in the open air — at the street corner, in the market square,
in the park — the best school. I am comparatively out of prac-
tice now, but I talked a good deal to audiences all through the
146
THE CART AND TRUMPET
eighties, and for some years afterwards. I should be a really
remarkable orator after all that practice if I had the genius
of the born orator. As it is, I am simply the sort of public
speaker anybody can become by going through the same mill.
I don't mean that he will have the same things to say, or that
he will put them in the same words, for, naturally, I don't leave
my ideas or my vocabulary behind when I mount the tub; but
I do mean that he will say what he has to say as movingly as
I say what I have to say — and more, if he is anything of a
real orator. Of course, as an Irishman, I have some fluency,
and can manage a bit of rhetoric and a bit of humour on occa-
sion, and that goes a long way in England. But ' marvellous
gift ' is all my eye." *
* Who I Am, and What I Think. Part I. The Candid Friend, May
11th, 1901.
147
SHAVIAN SOCIALISM
" Of course, people talk vaguely of me as an Anarchist, a visionary, and
a crank. I am none of these things, but their opposites. I only want a
few perfectly practical reforms which shall enable a decent and reasonable
man to live a decent and reasonable life, without having to submit to the
great injustices and the petty annoyances which meet you now at every
turn." — George Bernard Shaw: an Interview. In The Chap-Book, No-
vember, 1896.
"Economy is the art of making the most of life.
The love of economy is the root of all virtue."
— The Revolutionist's Handbook. In Man and Superman.
CHAPTER VI
I ONCE heard a Socialist of world-wide renown accuse Ber-
nard Shaw of an inconsistency which, to him, was little short
of inexplicable. To every charge of inconsistency, Shaw is
always ready with the effective rejoinder: " Vhomme absurde est
celui qui ne change jamais," To Shaw, the stationary is the
stagnant, evolution is progress. That rare literary phenomenon,
a master of the comic spirit, Shaw is not only willing to admit
for the nonce the inconsistencies in his own make-up: he is
positively eager to make thereof genuine comic capital.
To the public, Shaw is his own greatest paradox. What
defence, they ask, can be devised for a man rooted in Nietz-
scheism, who champions the Socialism which Nietzsche mocked?
Reconcile the ardent apostle of the levelling democracy of a
Social-Democratic Republic with the avowed advocate of the
doctrines of Ibsen and Nietzsche, the intellectual aristocrats of
this distinctly social era? Identify the agitation for interna-
tional disarmament, for universal peace, with one who sings
of arms and the superman? The Irish Nietzsche, the daring
pilgrim in search of a moral Ultima Thule, with one who has
forcibly declared the impossibility of anarchism? The evan-
gelist preaching the brotherhood of man with one who repudi-
ates the pacifying sedative : " Sirs, ye are brothers," in the
statement that he has no brothers, and if he had, he would in
all probability not agree with them? What faith is to be put
in the economic grounding of one who, in the course of two
or three years, turned from vigorous defence of Marx's value
theory to its " absolute demolition, on Jevonian lines, with his
own hand"?
It is very difficult to understand Shaw's fundamental philoso-
phy of Socialism without a thorough knowledge of the evolu-
tionary course of his thought. The particular brand of So-
cialism denominated Shavian is not a bundle of prejudices of
151
y
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
an immature youth, but the integration of years of day-by-day
observations of life and character, as well as of political and
economic science. The diversities of Socialistic faith have been
wittily exhibited by Shaw in the opening scenes of the third
act of Man and Superman. Roughly speaking, there are three
kinds of Socialists : theoretical, Utopian and practical. Lassalle
and Marx, Liebknecht and Bebel, Guesde and Jaures, Hynd-
man and Kropotkin, Shelley and Morris, George and Bellamy,
Shaw and Webb, carry the stamp of the cobweb-spinner, the
dreamer, or of the man of affairs. It is Shaw's supreme dis-
tinction that, beginning as doctrinaire, he has ended as practical
opportunist. He has sought to traverse the chasm between
democracy and social-democracy, by the aid of a solid economic
structure, rather than by the rainbow bridge of sentimentality
and Utopism. No scheme finds favour in his eyes which does
not irresistibly commend itself to his intelligence. He has
found the " true " doctrine of Socialism in repudiation of the
follies of Impossibilism.
Shaw has unhesitatingly given credit to Henry George for
the great impetus he gave to Socialism in England, and, in
particular, for the important part George played in his own
career. In speaking of the memorable evening in 1882, when,
under the inspiration of George's stirring and eloquent words,
he first began to realize the importance of the economic basis,
Shaw recently wrote : *
" One evening in the early eighties I found myself — I
forget how and cannot imagine why — in the Memorial
Hall, Farringdon Street, London, listening to an Amer-
ican finishing a speech on the Land Question. I knew he
was an American, because he pronounced ' necessarily ' —
a favourite word of his — with the accent on the third sylla-
ble instead of the first; because he was deliberately and
intentionally oratorical, which is not customary among shy
people like the English ; because he spoke of Liberty, Jus-
* Letter to Hamlin Garland, as Chairman of the Committee, the Progress
and Poverty dinner, New York, January 24th, 1905. The letter, dated
December, 1904, was kindly lent me by Mr. Henry George, Jr.
152
SHAVIAN SOCIALISM
tice, Truth, Natural Law, and other strange eighteenth-
century superstitions ; and because he explained with great
simplicity and sincerity the views of the Creator, who had
gone completely out of fashion in London in the previous
decade and had not been heard of there since. I noticed,
also, that he was a born orator, and that he had small,
plump, pretty hands.
" Now at that time I was a young man not much past
y twenty-five, of a very revolutionary and contradictory
temperament, full of Darwin and Tyndall, of Shelley and
De Quincey, of Michael Angelo and Beethoven, and never
having in my life studied social questions from the
economic point of view, except that I had once, in my boy-
hood, read a pamphlet by John Stuart Mill on the Irish
Land Question. The result of my hearing the speech, and
buying from one of the stewards of the meeting a copy
of ' Progress and Poverty ' for sixpence (Heaven only
knows where I got that sixpence!), was that I plunged
into a course of economic study, and at a very early stage
of it became a Socialist and spoke from that very plat-
form on the same great subject, and from hundreds of
others as well, sometimes addressing distinguished assem-
blies in a formal manner, sometimes standing on a bor-
rowed chair at a street corner, or simply on the kerbstone.
And I, too, had my oratorical successes; for I can still
recall with some vanity a wet afternoon (Sunday, of course)
on Clapham Common, when I collected as much as sixteen
and sixpence in my hat after my lecture, for the Cause.
And that all the work was not mere gas, let the feats and
pamphlets of the Fabian Society attest !
" When I was thus swept into the great Socialist revival
of 1883, I found that five-sixths of those who were swept
in with me had been converted by Henry George. This
fact would have been far more widely acknowledged had it
not been that it was not possible for us to stop where
Henry George stopped. . . . He saw only the monstrous
absurdity of the private appropriation of rent, and he
believed that if you took that burden off the poor man's
153
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
back, he could help himself out as easily as a pioneer on
a pre-empted clearing. But the moment he took an Eng-
lishman to that point, the Englishman saw at once that
the remedy was not so simple as that, and that the argu-
ment carried us much further, even to the point of total
industrial reconstruction. Thus George actually felt
bound to attack the Socialism he had created; and the
moment the antagonism was declared, and to be a Henry
Georgeite meant to be an anti-Socialist, some of the So-
cialists whom he had converted became ashamed of their
origin and concealed it; whilst others, including myself,
had to fight hard against the Single Tax propaganda."
However carefully other English Socialists have endeavoured
to minimize or deny outright the momentous influence of Henry
George, certainly Shaw has neither denied nor belittled their
debt. " If we outgrew ' Progress and Poverty ' in many ways,
so did he himself too; and it is perhaps just as well that he
did not know too much when he made his great campaign here;
for the complexity of the problem would have overwhelmed him
if he had realized it ; or, if it had not, it would have rendered
him unintelligible. Nobody has ever got away, or ever will
get away, from the truths that were the centre of his propa-
ganda: his errors anybody can get away from." And yet
Shaw's insularity and sense of British superiority sticks out
in the statement that certain of the English Socialists, includ-
ing himself, regretted that George was an American, and, there-
fore, necessarily about fifty years out of date in his economics
and sociology from the point of view of an older country ! The
absurdity of such a contention is glaringly patent on comparison
of Progress and Poverty with the tracts of the Fabian Society
during its early period: George was at least fifty years ahead
of the English Socialists, instead of the reverse. With that
grandiose conceit which is an essential item of his " stock in
trade," Shaw has expressed his eagerness to play the part of
Henry George to America. " What George did not teach you,
you are being taught now by your great Trusts and Combines,
as to which I need only say that if you would take them over
154
SHAVIAN SOCIALISM
as national property as cheerfully as you took over the copy-
rights of all my early books, you would find them excellent
institutions, quite in the path of progressive evolution, and by
no means to be discouraged or left unregulated as if they were
nobody's business but their own. It is a great pity that you
all take America for granted because you were born in it. I,
who have never crossed the Atlantic, and have taken nothing
American for granted, find I know ten times as much about
your country as you do yourselves; and my ambition is to
repay my debt to Henry George by coming over some day and
trying to do for your young men what Henry George did
nearly a quarter of a century ago for me.'*
While Henry George and his Progress and Poverty were the
prime motors in directing Shaw to Socialism, it was Karl Marx
and his Capital that first shunted Shaw on to the economic
tack. In 1884, the Unitarian minister, Mr. Philip H. Wick-
steed, contributed to To-Day a criticism of Marx from the point
of view of the school of mathematician-economists founded in
England on the treatise on Political Economy published by the
late Stanley Jevons in 1871.* Mr. Wicksteed, whose writings
on Dante and Scandinavian literature are well known, was a
remarkable linguist, a popular preacher, and an excellent man.
To the fact, however, that he was a mathematician is largely
attributable his deep interest in Jevons' theory of value, which
scientifically demolished the classical theory of Adam Smith,
Ricardo and Cairnes, with its adaptation to Socialism by
Hodgskin and Marx. To his mathematical training, also, may
be ascribed the lucidity and logical clarity of his application
of the Jevonian machinery to Marxian theory. So abject was
the deification of Marx by English Socialists at that time that
Hyndman, whom Shaw thought should answer the article, pooh-
poohed Wicksteed as beneath his notice. But the Omniscience
* In the early eighties the monthly magazine To-Day was purchased by
three Socialists: Henry Hyde Champion, Percy Frost and James Leigh
Joynes. Mr. Wicksteed's article, entitled Das Kapital: a Criticism, ap-
peared in To-Day, New Series, Vol. II., pages 388-409, 1884; publishers,
The Modern Press, a printing business conducted by Messrs. H. H. Cham-
pion and J. C. Foulger.
155
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
and Infallibility of Marx were rudely shaken : Mr. Wicksteed's
article had to be answered. Some years later Hyndman accused
Shaw of having " rushed in " to defend Marx ; but the question
here is not of what Mr. Hyndman thinks: it is a question of
fact. Shaw was earnestly requested by the proprietors of To-
Day to answer Mr. Wicksteed; but he replied at once that
though he had read Das Kapital he was not an economist, and
that the reply should come from someone with a real mastery
of the subject. At last, after a discussion one day in St. Paul's
Churchyard, Frost disconsolately remarked to Shaw that if he
wouldn't do it, he supposed he, Frost, must. Suddenly Shaw
realized, as he very recently told me, that none of the others,
so far as he could see, knew any more about the subject than he
himself did; and he consented on the solemn condition that
Wicksteed was to be allowed space for a rejoinder. Shaw was
not so blind as not to be deeply impressed by his own ignorance
of what Carlyle called the " dismal science " ; he realized the
importance to himself of getting a sound theoretic basis. " I
read Jevons," he afterwards wrote, " and made a fearful
struggle to guess what his confounded differentials meant; for
I knew as little of the calculus as a pig does of a holiday." In
his article entitled The Jevonian Criticism of Marx, which was
more of a counterblast than a thorough analysis and discussion
of Mr. Wicksteed's epoch-making article, Shaw had not a word
to say in defence of Marx's oversight of " abstract utility." *
Quite clever in its Shavian way, Shaw's article did not get at
the root of the matter at all, which was not unnatural, consid-
ering that he was a novice, and, as he afterwards freely ad-
mitted, completely wrong in the bargain. After the appearance
of Mr. Wicksteed's brief rejoinder on pages 177-179 of the
same volume, the incident was, for some time, closed.
The discussion only whetted Shaw's interest and left him
determined to get to the bottom of the economic question. He
had been tremendously impressed by the first volume of Das
Kapital, " the real European book," as he called it, which he
had read in the French translation. Even when he was under
*This article appeared in To-Day, New Series, Vol. III., pages 22-26,
1885.
156
SHAVIAN SOCIALISM
this first tremendous impression, his misgivings found expression
in a published letter, in which he jocularly pointed out that
what Marx had proved was that we were all robbing each other,
and not that one class was robbing another. A joke, founded
on clever ignorance, may be a poor beginning for a career ;
yet in this way was Shaw's career as an economist begun. Shaw
never doubted, so green was he, that Hyndman or some other
leader would at once expose the fallacy in his letter, and teach
him something thereby. The fact that nobody did probably
started the misgiving that led him to devote so much time and
thought to economics.
It was not without many struggles, however, that Shaw was
eventually persuaded to see the fallacies in Marx's economics.
In the Hampstead Historic Society, that mutual aid association,
and in long private discussions with Sidney Webb, Shaw kept
at the subject of Marx, defending him by every shift he could
think of. All the time, at bottom, Shaw was satisfied neither
with his own position nor with Webb's, which was that of John
Stuart Mill. He had always mistrusted mathematical symbols
since the time of his school days, when a plausible schoolboy
used to prove to him by algebra that one equals two — pre-
sumably by one of the inadmissible division-by-zero proofs.
The boy always began by saying: "Let x=a." Shaw saw no
harm in admitting that, and the proof followed with apparently
rigorous exactness. " The effect was not to make me proceed
habitually on the assumption that one equals two," I once
heard him say with a boyish laugh ; " but to impress upon me
that there was a screw loose somewhere in the algebraic art, and
a chance for me to set it right some day when I had time to
look into the subject." And so, when he saw Jevons' x's, his
differentials and his infinitesimals, Shaw at once thought of the
plausible boy, and was fired to find that loose screw in Jevonian
economics. The difficulty he felt most was that he could not,
among Socialists, get into a sufficiently abstract atmosphere to
arrive at the pure theory of the thing. It was essential to
divorce the discussion absolutely from the social question. For-
tunately, yet oddly enough, it was Wicksteed himself who helped
Shaw to what he wanted. One of Wicksteed's friends, a pros-
157
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
perous stockbroker named Beeton, began inviting a circle of
friends interested in economics to his house. The To-Day dis-
cussion had established friendly relations between Shaw and
Wicksteed ; and Shaw secured an entry to this circle and " held
on to it like grim death " until after some years it blossomed
out into The Royal Economic Society, founded the Economic
Journal, and outgrew Beeton's drawing-room. Mr. Shaw once
remarked to me that his great difficulty was to see through
Marx's fallacy in assuming that abstract labour was the unique
factor by which the celebrated equation of Value was divisible.
" I couldn't, for the life of me," said Mr. Shaw, " see any
sense in the equation 2a+3b=8c. I actually bought an Algebra
and tried to recapture any early knowledge I might have had,
but it was all gone." And only the other day I ran across this
book, The Scholar's Algebra, by Lewis Hensley, at a second-
hand book-shop in London. Under date " 22-8-87," appears the
following, written in Shaw's remarkably neat stenography:
" What sudden freak induced me to purchase this book ? I saw
it offered at a second-hand book-shop in Holborn for one and
sixpence. For a time I was puzzled by a notion that the sym-
bols referred to things instead of to numbers. For instance,
2a+3b appeared to me as absurd as 2 wrens+3 apples."
In a letter to me Mr. Shaw once related the following story
of his economic education — a story which gives the lie to his
own strictures on University education. And in conversation he
recently admitted to me that this economic training corre-
sponded closely to the highest form of University instruction.*
" During those years Wicksteed expounded ' final utility ' to us
with a blackboard except when we got hold of some man from
* The leading members of this club were Beeton, Wicksteed, Foxwell,
Graham Wallas, F. Y. Edgeworth, Alfred Marshall, Edward Cunningham,
Charles Wright and Armitage Smith. The club met monthly — from No-
vember to June — during the years 1884 to 1889 inclusive, when it came
to an end through the formation of what was formally entitled The Eco-
nomic Club, organized mainly at the instance of Alfred Marshall. It may
be worthy of mention that Wicksteed dedicated his Alphabet of Econom-
ics to this club. Shaw joined the club because he wanted to learn abstract
economics, and he occasionally contributed something to the programme
himself. On November 9th, 1886, for example, he read a paper before
the society on the subject of Interest.
158
SHAVIAN SOCIALISM
the 'Baltic' (The London Wheat Exchange), or the like, to
explain the markets to us and afterwards have his information
reduced to Jevonian theory. Among university professors of
economics Edgeworth and Foxwell stuck to us pretty constantly,
and W. Cunningham turned up occasionally. Of course, the
atmosphere was by no means Shavian; but that was exactly
what I wanted. The Socialist platform and my journalistic
pulpits involved a constant and most provocative forcing of
people to face the practical consequences of theories and beliefs,
and to draw mordant contrasts between what they professed
or what their theories involved and their life and conduct. This
made dispassionate discussion of abstract theory impossible. At
Beeton's the conditions were practically university conditions.
There was a tacit understanding that the calculus of utilities
and the theory of exchange must be completely isolated from
the fact that we lived, as Morris's mediaeval captain put it, by
' robbing the poor.' "
In the heated discussions over Marx's economic theories which
followed during the next few years, Shaw enjoyed an immense
advantage in that nobody else in the Socialist movement had
gone through this discipline, which required considerable perse-
verance and deep scientific conviction. It ended, as Shaw main-
tains, in his finding out Marx and Hyndman completely as
economists. In Shaw's present view Marx was less an economist
than a revolutionary Socialist, employing political economy as
a weapon against his adversaries : to Marx, the economic theory
of Ricardo was simply a " stick to beat the capitalist dog."
To Hyndman, doubt of any part of the " Bible of the working
classes " was Socialist heresy : the whole issue resolved itself into
the question whether Jevons was a Socialist or an anti-Socialist.*
No doubt the influence which moved Shaw to devote himself to
economic studies was his need of a weapon ; but he did not stop
to ask whether the steel came from a Socialist foundry or not.
" The Marxian steel was always snapping in my hand," he once
*As late as 1905 Mr. E. Belfort Bax is found maintaining that Jevons
was the mere tool of capitalism, seeking to undermine the Marxian theory
of value in the interests of social order and political stability. Compare
his article, Socialism and Bourgeois Culture, in Wilshire's Magazine, 1905.
159
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
remarked to me. " The Jevonian steel held and kept its edge,
and fitted itself to every emergency. And then, just as one
loves a good sword for its own sake, so one loves a sound theory
for its own sake." As a literary artist also, accustomed to
express himself in terse and pointed phrase, Shaw was fired
with determination to extricate the theory from its " damned
shorthand " of mathematical symbols, and put it into human
language.*
On the appearance of the English translation from the third
German edition of Das Kapital, by Samuel Moore and Edward
Aveling, in 1887, Shaw reviewed it in three consecutive articles. f
These articles of Shaw's show that in 1887 his conversion by
Wicksteed was complete. In Shaw's article, Stanley Jevons:
His Letters and Journal, a review of the Letters and Journal of
W. Stanley Jevons, which appeared in the Pall Mall Gazette,
May 29th, 1886, he says: " He (Jevons) was far too orthodox
in his practical conclusions for those materialists of the science —
the revolutionary Socialists — who saw in him a mere ' bourgeois
economist,' as their phrase goes. He does not seem to have
had any suspicion that Mr. Hyndman and his friends made
any economic pretensions at all; but it is remarkable that the
most successful attack so far on the value theory of Karl Marx
has come from Mr. Philip Wicksteed, a well-known Unitarian
minister, who is an able follower of Jevons in economics." Shaw
was now the complete Jevonian, had thrown the Marxian theory
completely over, and exactly located the step Marx missed.
Shaw himself readily admits that Marx came within one step
of the real solution. Whilst Marx left Shaw unconvinced as
to Marxian economics, he left him profoundly imbued with
* This Shaw achieved with great success in his review, in three parts, of
Das Kapital, English translation, which appeared in the National Reformer.
f The National Reformer, now extinct, then the weekly organ of the
National Secular Society, editors, Charles Bradlaugh and Annie Besant;
policy, Atheism, Malthusianism and Republicanism. These articles, three
in number, under the general heading Karl Marx and 'Das Kapital/
appeared in Vol. I., pages 84-86, 106-108, 117, 118. On receiving a cheque
for these articles at a rate which he felt sure the National Reformer
could not afford, Shaw found that the beneficent Mrs. Besant had made
a contribution from her private purse, which Shaw characteristically hurled
back with indignant gratitude.
160
SHAVIAN SOCIALISM
Marxian convictions. In Marx, Shaw discerned one who " wrote
of the nineteenth century as if it were a cloud passing down the
wind, changing its shape and fading as it goes ; whilst Ricardo
the stockbroker and De Quincey the high Tory, sat comfortably
down before it in their office and study chairs as if it were the
Great Wall of China, safe to last until the Day of Judgment
with an occasional coat of whitewash." While refusing to deify
Marx as a god, Shaw lauds him with what is, for him, the rarest
of panegyrics. " He (Marx) never condescends to cast a
glance of useless longing at the past : his cry to the present is
always, ' Pass by : we are waiting for the future.' Nor is the
future at all mysterious, uncertain, or dreadful to him. There
is not a word of hope or fear, nor appeal to chance or provi-
dence, nor vain remonstrance with Nature, nor optimism, nor
enthusiasm, nor pessimism, nor cynicism, nor any other familiar
sign of the giddiness which seizes men when they climb to
heights which command a view of the past, present and future
of human society. Marx keeps his head like a god. He has
discovered the law of social development, and knows what must
come. The thread of history is in his hand."
The point to be grasped, however, is contained in Shaw's
admonition : " Read Jevons and the rest for your economics,
and read Marx for the history of their working in the past, and
the conditions of their application in the present. And never
mind the metaphysics." Shaw stood upon the shoulders of
giants, for Jevons had laid the foundations, and Wicksteed it
was who first pointed out to English Socialists the flaw inj
Marx's analysis of wares.* But in that remarkably succinct
and lucid style for which he is justly famous, Shaw elaborately
analyzed the questionable points in the Marxian structure and
explained the latent errors involved, for the comprehension, not
simply of the economist, but of the man-in-the-street. It is
neither possible, nor even desirable, here to give the steps by
which Shaw controverted Marx; reference to Shaw's numerous
* These ideas seem to have found expression simultaneously in England
and Austria. Compare The Theory of Political Economy, by W. S. Jevons,
London, 1871; Grundsatze der Volkswirtschaftslehre, by Anton Menger,
Vienna, 1871.
161
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
articles on the subject will give these to the curious. But the
conclusions he reached are worthy of enumeration.* In the
first place, Shaw objected to Marx's dogmatic assertion of the
generally accepted Ricardian theory that " wares in which equal
quantities of labour are embodied, or which can be produced
in the same time, have the same value " ; and for the simple
reason that the Jevonian theory called this dogma into question.
In the second place, following Wicksteed, Shaw takes Marx
to task for first insisting that the abstract labour used in the
production of wares does not count unless it is useful, and then
contradicting himself by stripping the wares of the abstract
utility conferred upon them by abstractly useful work. The
logical consequence of admitting abstract utility as a quality
of wares produced by abstract human labour is conclusively to
disconnect value from mere abstract human labour. Marx thus
adroitly begs the question: as Shaw says : " It is as if he (Marx)
had proved by an elaborate series of abstractions that liquids
were fatal to human life, and had finished by remarking : * Of
course, the liquids must be poisonous.' " Armed with the fact
of abstract utility, and the Jevonian weapons of " the law of
indifference " and " the law of the variation of utility," Shaw
was enabled to prove with mathematical rigour that value does
not represent the specific utility of the article, but its abstract
utility ; and not its total abstract utility, but its final abstract
utility — at the " margin of supply," in Wicksteed's phrase — i.e.,
the utility of the final increment that is worth producing.
Translated into terms of labour, this means that the value of
the ware represents, not the quantity of human labour embodied
in it, but the " final utility," in Jevonian phrase, of the abstract
human labour socially necessary to produce it. As Shaw puts
it : " Instead of wares being equal in value because equal quanti-
ties of labour have been expended on them, equal quantities of
labour will have been expended on them because they are of
* The question of the validity of the Marxian theory is not now a live
subject in England. Mr. Hyndman's defence of the Marxian position is to
be found in his Economics of Socialism, in which he attempts to demon-
strate the " final futility of final utility." It is still a mooted question on
the Continent; compare, for example, the works of Bohm-Bawerk, perhaps
the most eminent of the " Austrian School " of political economists.
162
SHAVIAN SOCIALISM
equal value (or equally desirable), which is quite another thing.
That slip in the analysis of wares whereby Marx was led to
believe that he had got rid of the abstract utility when he had
really only got rid of the specific utility, was the first of his
mistakes." Under certain ideal conditions, there is a coinci-
dence between " exchange value " and " amount of labour con-
tained " ; but as these ideal conditions seldom, if ever, occur
in practice, no scientific validity attaches to the Marxian state-
ment that " commodities in which equal quantities of labour are
embodied, or which can be produced in the same time, have the
same value." Lastly, Shaw insists that if Marx's theory of
value were correct, it would refute, not confirm, Marx's theory
of " surplus value." The proprietor's monopoly completely
upsets those ideal conditions on which Marx's theory of value
is based. It can be demonstrated by Jevonian principles that
Marx's assumption, that the subsistence wage is the value of
the labour force, is untenable, even on Marxian principles.
Marx did not see that it is impossible, according to the " law
of indifference," for one part of the stock of a commodity
available at any given time to have value whilst another part
has none, since no man will give a price for that which he can
obtain for nothing. Moreover, when he attempts to differentiate
labour power from steam power, Marx's logic breaks down. As
Shaw says : " Marx's whole theory of the origin of surplus
value depends on the accuracy of his demonstration that steam
power, machinery, etc., cannot possibly produce surplus value.
If Marx were right then a capital of ten thousand pounds,
invested in a business requiring nine thousand pounds for ma-
chinery and plant, and one thousand pounds for wages (or
human labour power), would only return one-ninth of the
surplus value returned by an equal capital of which one thousand
pounds was in the form of plant and nine thousand pounds in
wage capital. As a matter of fact, the ' surplus value ' from
both is found to be equal." *
* These conclusions were reached before the third volume of Capital
appeared. The editor of the first volume, Mr. Frederick Engels, promised
that the third volume, when it appeared, would reconcile these and other
seeming contradictions. Marx does seem to have modified certain of his
theories in the third volume.
163
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
Shaw saw plainly enough that the theory of value did not
matter in the least so far as the soundness of Socialism was
concerned. For, as he once expressed it in a letter to me, " if
you steal a turnip the theory of the turnip's value does not
affect the social and political aspect of the transaction." But,
of course, Hyndman and the few Socialists who had read Marx
and nothing else, were furious over Shaw's iconoclastic articles
in the National Reformer. In view of the fact that the oppo-
nents of Socialism continually damaged the cause of the So-
cialists by alleging that the Socialists' economic basis was Marx's
theory and was untenable, with the result that the Socialists
persisted in accepting the allegation and defending Marx, Shaw
resolutely forced the quarrel into publicity as far as he could.
His prime object was to make it clear that the Fabians were
quite independent of the Marxian value theory. A heated con-
troversy on the subject in the Pall Mall Gazette of May, 1887,
engaged in by Shaw, Hyndman, and Mrs. Besant, did not down
the ghost of the value theory ; for the controversy was reopened
in To-Day two years later. An Economic Eirenicon, by Graham
Wallas, was followed by Marx's Theory of Value, contributed
by H. M. Hyndman, in which, it seems, he merely repeated the
old Marxian demonstration without making any attempt to meet
the Jevonian attack. Whereupon Shaw " went for " Hyndman
in his most aggravating style in an article entitled Bluffing the
Value Theory, which finished the campaign except for a series
of letters in Justice by various hands, the tenth of which, in
July, 1889, was written by Shaw. There were other letters by
Shaw on the same subject, written at different times, which ap-
peared in the Daily Chronicle. William Morris never made any
pretence of having followed the controversy on its abstract
technical side; and perhaps the most amusing feature of the
entire campaign was a sort of manifesto which Belfort Bax
induced Morris to sign, in which Hyndman, Bax, Aveling and
Morris declared that all good Socialists were Marxites ! Shaw
was once denounced in public meeting by a Marxian Socialist
for pooh-poohing Marx as an idiot. His own position, as he
himself once remarked to me, lay somewhere between this and
that of worshipping Marx as a god. In one of the most re-
164s
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SHAVIAN SOCIALISM
markable essays ever written by Shaw, entitled The Illusions of
Socialism, Shaw pointed out why it was that a difficult and
subtle theory like that of Jevons could never be as acceptable
as a crude and simple labour theory like that of Marx, which
seemed to imply that wealth rightly belonged to the labourer.*
From the standpoint of the Marxian religionist, the second
heresy of which Shaw is guilty consists in his recognition of
the Class War doctrine as a delusion and a suicidal political
policy. To Shaw, the form of organization deduced from the
Class War doctrine is always the same. " All you have to do
is to form a working-class association, declare war on property,
explain the economic situation from the platform and at the
street corner, and wait until the entire proletariat (made ' class-
conscious ' by your lucid lectures) joins you. This being done
simultaneously in London, Paris, Berlin, Madrid, Rome, Vienna,
etc., etc., nothing remains but a simultaneous movement of the
proletarians of all countries, and the sweeping of capitalism
into the sea because ' ye are many : they are few.' What can
be easier or more scientific ? " But a study of the history of
Socialism led Shaw to the discovery that the Class War theory
had gone to pieces every time it had been invoked. Lassalle
attempted to organize the imaginary class-conscious proletariat,
only to be disillusioned before the end of the first year by the
*In the Pall Mall Gazette the following articles appeared: Marx and
Modern Socialism, by Shaw, May 7th, 1887, page 3; Hyndman's reply, May
11th, page 11; Shaw's rejoinder — Socialists at Home (this heading doubt-
less a jibe of the editor), May 12th, page 11; Hyndman's rejoinder, May
16th, page 2; Mrs. Besant's article on the same subject, May 24th, page 2.
In To-Day, Vol. XI., New Series, 1889, appeared: An Economic Eirenicon,
by Graham Wallas, pages 80-86; Marx's Theory of Value, by Hyndman,
same volume, pages 94-104; Shaw's reply, Bluffing the Value Theory, fol-
lowing Hyndman, May, 1889, pages 128-135, was lately reprinted by Eduard
Bernstein in Sozialistische Monatshefte. Shaw's letter in Justice appeared
on page 3 of the issue of July 20th, 1889. The fine essay, entitled The
Illusions of Socialism, quite penetrating in its psychology, although
caviare to the ordinary reviewer, originally appeared in German in Die
Zeit (Vienna), in 1896: No. 108, October 24th, and No. 109, October 31st;
later it appeared in English in Forecasts of the Coming Century, edited
by Edward Carpenter, Manchester: Labour Press, 1897; it afterwards ap-
peared in French in L'HumaniU Nouvelle (Ghent and Paris), August, 1900,
edited by Auguste Hamon, the well-known Socialist and the French trans-
lator of Shaw's plays.
165
■/
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
" damned wantlessness " of the real proletariat. Owen before
him likewise had failed, after apparently converting all Trade-
Unionism to his New Moral World. When Marx planned the
Socialist side of " The International " in the sixties, he showed
his contempt for the trade-union side, with the result : " On the
trade-union side a great success. ... On the Socialist side,
futility and disastrous failure, culminating, in 1871, in one of
the most appalling massacres known to history." Marx can
scarcely be said to have tried to organize the class-conscious
proletariat; but the moment his useless vituperation of Thiers,
" brilliant as a sample of literary invective, but useless for the
buttering of parsnips," made known to English workmen his
real opinion of bourgeois civilization, they abandoned him in
horror and left the International member less. In Germany,
" Liebknecht made no serious headway until he became a parlia-
mentarian, playing the parliamentary game more pliably than
Parnell did, though always 6 old-soldiering ' his way with the
greenhorns by prefacing each compromise with the declaration
that Social Democracy never compromised." In France, Jaures
and Millerand have not so much abandoned the Class War doc-
trine as wholly neglected and ignored it, thus reducing the old
Guesdist Marxism to absurdity. In England, " the once revo-
lutionary Social-Democratic Federation has been forced by the
competition of the quite constitutional Independent Labour
Party to give up all its ancient Maccabean poetry, and, after
a period of uselessness and surpassing unpopularity as an anti-
Fabian Society with a speciality for abusing Mr. John Burns,
to settle down into a sort of Ultra-Independent Labour Party,
ready to amalgamate with its rival if only an agreement can
be arrived at as to which is to be considered as swallowing the
other."
Not merely a study of the Class War doctrine from the his-
torical standpoint, but also an examination into the assumptions
upon which it rests, have thoroughly convinced Shaw that So-
cialists have for long been making overdrafts upon their Capital.
Shaw has never sought to shirk the real point at issue by the
quibble of substituting the sort of class-consciousness called
snobbery, mighty as is that social force, for the economic class-
166
SHAVIAN SOCIALISM
consciousness of the German formula. In Shaw's interpretation,
Hyndman and the Marxists use the term " Class War " to denote
a war between all the proletarians on one side and all the prop-
erty-holders on the other — in Schaeffle's phrase " a definite
confrontation of classes " — which will be produced when the
workers become conscious that their economic interests are op-
posed to those of the property-holders. Shaw's position is ef-
fectively summed up in his words :
" The people understand their own affairs much better
than Marx did, and the simple stratification of society into
two classes . . . has as little relation to actual social
facts as Marx's value theory has to actual market prices.
If the crude Marxian melodrama of ' The Class War ; or,
the Virtuous Worker and the Brutal Capitalist,' were even
approximately true to life, the whole capitalist structure
would have tumbled to pieces long ago, as the ' scientific
Socialists ' were always expecting it to do, instead of con-
solidating itself on a scale which has already made Marx
and Engels as obsolete as the Gracchi had become in the
time of Augustus. By throwing up fabulous masses of
' surplus value,' and doubling and trebling the incomes of
the well-to-do middle classes, who all imitate the imperial
luxury and extravagance of the millionaires, Capitalism has
created, as it formerly did in Rome, an irresistible
proletarian bodyguard of labourers whose immediate inter-
ests are bound up with those of the capitalists, and who
are, like their Roman prototypes, more rapacious, more
rancorous in their Primrose partisanship, and more hard-
ened against all the larger social considerations, than their
masters, simply because they are more needy, ignorant
and irresponsible. Touch the income of the rich, and the
Conservative proletarians are the first to suffer." *
In Shaw's opinion, the social struggle does not follow class
lines at all, because the people who really hate the capitalist
* The Class War, in the Clarion, September 30th, 1904.
167
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
system are, like Ruskin, Morris, Tolstoy, Hyndman, Marx and
Lassalle, themselves capitalists, whereas the fiercest defenders
of it are the masses of labourers, artisans, and employees whose
trade is at its best when the rich have most money to spend.
Socialists like Shaw, who " do not accept the class war," are
simply expressing " first, a very natural impatience of crying
* War, War ! ' where there is no war ; and, second, their despair
at seeing Socialism, like Liberalism, perishing because it is try-
ing to live on the crop of home-made generalizations so plenti-
fully put forth during the great Liberal boom of 1832-80 by
middle-class paper theorists like Malthus, Cobden, Marx, Comte
and Herbert Spencer — fine fellows, all of them, but stupendously
ignorant of the industrial world." The basic divergence be-
tween the Fabian and the " S. D. F." policy is epitomized in
Shaw's words : " There is a conflict of interests between those
who pay wages and those who receive them ; and this is organ-
ized by the trade unions. There is another conflict of interests
between those workers and proprietors whose customers live on
rent (in its widest economic sense), and those whose customers
live on wages ; but the lines of this conflict run, not between the
classes, but right through them, and do not coincide with the
lines of the trade union conflict. And any form of Socialist
organization, or any tactics toward the trade union movement,
based on the theory that the lines of battle do run between the
classes and not through them, or do coincide with the trade
union lines of battle, will prove, and always has proved, dis-
astrously impracticable." Shaw exasperatingly said in a recent
article * that he refused to agree with anybody on any subject
whatsoever. " Let them agree with me if my arguments con-
vince them. If not, let them plank down their own views. I
will not have my mouth stopped and my mind stifled." And
those mystic forces — historical development and Progress with
a large P — in which the Marxists rest their firmest hope, Shaw
regards in the spirit of Ingoldsby's sacristan :
* Shaw's position in regard to the Class War is ably set forth in his three
articles, under the general heading, The Class War, which appeared in
the Clarion, London; dates: September 30th, October 21st and November
4th, 1904.
168
SHAVIAN SOCIALISM
"The sacristan he said no word to indicate a doubt;
But he put his thumb unto his nose, and he spread his fingers out."
There are two factors which strongly militate against the
progress of Socialism; the resolute adherence of Socialists to
those theories and policies of Marx which time, experience, and
modern economic science have combined to discredit; and the
tendency of the popular mind to confuse Socialism with
Anarchism.* Shaw's most important negative and destructive
achievements consist in those amazingly clever and interesting
papers in which he attempts to expose Marx's theory of value
as an exploded fallacy, to show that the Class War will never
come, and to demonstrate the impossibilities of Anarchism. In
the technical sense of Socialist economics, Shaw occupies the
opposite pole to Individualism and Anarchism. And yet in a
very definite and general sense, Shaw is a thorough-paced indi-
vidualist and anarchist. If individualist means a believer in the
Shakespearean injunction " To thine own self be true! ", in the
Ibsenic doctrine " Live thine own life ! ", then Shaw is an indi-
vidualist heart and soul. If anarchist means an enemy of con-
vention, of tradition, of current modes of administering justice,
of prevailing moral standards, then Shaw is the most revolu-
tionary anarchist now at large. If, on the other hand, Individ-
ualist means one who distrusts State action and is jealous of
the prerogative of the individual, proposing to restrict the one
and to extend the other as far as is humanly possible, then Shaw
is most certainly not an Individualist. If Anarchist means
dynamitard, incendiary, assassin, thief; champion of the abso-
lute liberty of the individual and the removal of all govern-
mental restraint; or even a believer, as Communist, in a
* In 1888 Shaw wrote two very clever articles, which so far seem to have
escaped attention, although the disguise is so thin as to be negligible. These
two articles are, respectively, My Friend Fitzthunder, the Unpractical
Socialist, by Redbarn Wash — note the anagram — {To-Bay, edited by Hubert
Bland, August, 1888), and Fitzthunder on Himself — A Defence, by
Robespierre Marat Fitzthunder (To-Day, September, 1888). These very
amusing papers, both written by Shaw, it is needless to say, constitute a
reductio ad absurdum of the unpractical and revolutionary Socialist; Fitz-
thunder is evidently a composite picture, made up from a number of Shaw's
Socialist confreres.
169
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
profound and universal sense of high moral responsibility
present in all humanity, then Shaw is a living contradiction
of Anarchism.
Shaw opposes Individualist Anarchism since, under such a
social arrangement, the prime economic goal of Socialism: the
just distribution of the premiums given to certain portions of
the general product by the action of demand, would never be
attained. As this system not only fails to distribute these
premiums justly, but deliberately permits their private appro-
priation, Individualist Anarchism is, in Shaw's view, " the nega-
tion of Socialism, and is, in fact, Unsocialism carried as near
to its logical completeness as any sane man dare carry it."
The Communist Anarchism of Kropotkin, Shaw also opposes
because of his own lack of faith in humanity at large, in the
present state of development of the social conscience. If bread
were communized, the common bread store obviously would be-
come bankrupt unless every consumer of the bread contributed
to its support as much labour as the bread he consumed cost
to produce. Were the consumer to refuse thus to contribute,
there would be two ways to compel him : physical force and the
moral force of public opinion. If physical force is resorted to,
then the Anarchist ideal remains unattained. If moral force,
what will be the event ? The answer reveals Shaw as a confirmed
sceptic in regard to the value of public opinion as a moral
agent. " It is useless," he avers, " to think of man as a fallen
angel. If the fallacies of absolute morality are to be admitted
into the discussion at all, he must be considered rather as an
obstinate and selfish devil who is being slowly forced by the iron
tyranny of Nature to recognize that in disregarding his neigh-
bours' happiness, he is taking the surest way to sacrifice his
own." Under Anarchistic Communism, public opinion would no
doubt operate as powerfully as now. But, in Shaw's opinion,
public opinion cannot for a moment be relied upon as a force
which operates uniformly as a compulsion upon men to act
morally. Keen, incisive, pitiless, his words descriptive of public
opinion show how little he is tinged with the poetry, the
passion, and the religion which are the very life blood of
Socialism.
170
SHAVIAN SOCIALISM
" Its operation is for all practical purposes quite arbi-
trary, and is as often immoral as moral. It is just as
hostile to the reformer as to the criminal. It hangs Anar-
chists and worships Nitrate Kings. It insists on a man
wearing a tall hat and going to church, on his marrying
the woman he lives with, and on his pretending to believe
whatever the rest pretend to believe. . . . But there is
no sincere public opinion that a man should work for his
daily bread if he can get it for nothing. Indeed, it is just
the other way ; public opinion has been educated to regard
the performance of daily manual labour as the lot of the
despised classes. The common aspiration is to acquire
property and leave off working. Even members of the pro-
fessions rank below the independent gentry, so-called be-
cause they are independent of their own labour. These
prejudices are not confined to the middle and upper classes :
they are rampant also among the workers. . . . One is
almost tempted in this country to declare that the poorer
the man the greater the snob, until you get down to those
who are so oppressed that they have not enough self-respect
even for snobbery, and thus are able to pluck out of the
heart of their misery a certain irresponsibility which it
would be a mockery to describe as genuine frankness and
freedom. The moment you rise into the higher atmosphere
of a pound a week, you find that envy, ostentation, tedious
and insincere ceremony, love of petty titles, precedence and
dignities, and all the detestable fruits of inequality of con-
dition, flourish as rankly among those who lose as among
those who gain by it. In fact, the notion that poverty
favours virtue was clearly invented to persuade the poor
that what they lost in this world they would gain in the
next." *
When Shaw attended the International Socialist Congresses
in Zurich and in London, he reported them in the Star as un-
* Fabian Tract, No. 45: The Impossibilities of Anarchism, a paper by
Shaw, written in 1888, read to the Fabian Society on October 16th, 1891,
and published by the Fabian Society, July, 1893.
171
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
sparingly as he would have reported a sitting of Parliament.
The Socialists, amazed and indignant at their first taste of real
criticism, concluded that Shaw was going over to the enemy.
This Fabian policy of unsparing criticism, inaugurated and
carried out ruthlessly by Shaw, ended in freeing the Fabians, in
great measure, from the illusions of Socialism, and in imparting
to their Society its rigidly constitutional character. An incident,
which Mr. Shaw once described in a letter to me, gives one some
insight into the causes of his reaction against the German
Socialists' policy of playing to the galleries by spouting revo-
lutionary rant and hinting catastrophically of impending
revolutions.
" At the Zurich Congress I first became acquainted with
the leaders of the movement on the Continent. Chief
among them was the German leader Liebknecht, a '48 vet-
eran who, having become completely parliamentarized, still
thought it necessary to dupe his younger followers with
the rhetoric of the barricade. After a division in which
an attempt to secure unanimity by the primitive method
of presenting the resolution before the Congress to the
delegates of the different nations in their various languages
in several versions adapted to their views, so that whilst
they believed they were all saying ' Yes ' to the same
proposition, the wording was really very different in the
different translations, and sometimes highly contradictory,
it turned out that the stupidity of the English section had
baffled the cleverness of the German-Swiss bureau, because
the English voted ' No ' when they meant ' Yes,' and upset
the apple-cart. Happening to be close to Liebknecht on
the platform at the luncheon adjournment, I said a few
words to him in explanation of the apparently senseless
action of the English. He looked wearily round at me;
saw a comparatively young Socialist whom he did not
know ; and immediately treated me to a long assurance that
the German Social Democrats did not shrink from a con-
flict with the police on Labour Day (the 1st of May);
that they were as ready as ever, etc., etc., etc., etc., etc.
172
SHAVIAN SOCIALISM
I turned away as soon and as shortly as I could without
being rude; and from that time I discounted the German
leaders as being forty years out of date, and totally negli-
gible except as very ordinary republican Radicals with a
Socialist formula which was simply a convenient excuse for
doing nothing new.
" When the German leaders visited London in the
eighties they treated the Fabian Society as a foolish joke.
Later on they found their error ; and Liebknecht was enter-
tained at a great Fabian meeting; but to this day the
German Socialist press does not dare to publish the very
articles it asks me to write, because of my ruthless criticism
of Bebel, Singer, and the old tradition of the c old gang '
generally. My heresy as to Marx is, of course, another
horror to the Germans who got their ideas of political
economy in the '48-'71 period."
After 1875, let us recall, the old pressure and discontent of
the eighteen-thirties descended upon England with renewed
force. In 1881, " as if Chartism and Fergus O'Connor had
risen from the dead," the Democratic Federation, with H. M.
Hyndman at its head, inaugurated the revival of Socialist or-
ganization in England. Like those other haters of the capitalist
system — the capitalists Ruskin, Morris, Tolstoy, Marx and
Lassalle — Hyndman " had had his turn at the tall hat and was
tired of it." Shortly after the formation of the Democratic
Federation, the Fabian Society, a revolting sect from the Fel-
lowship of the New Life, founded by Professor Thomas David-
son, came into being. Hyndman and his Marxists, Kropotkin
and his Anarchists, did not realize, with Shaw, that the pro-
letariat, instead of being the revolutionary, is in reality the
conservative element of society. They refused to accept this
situation, not realizing that they were confronted by a condi-
tion, not a theory. " They persisted in believing that the
proletariat was an irresistible mass of Felix Pyats and Ouidas."
On the point of joining the Democratic Federation, Shaw de-
cided to join the Fabian Society instead. He did accept the
situation, helped, perhaps, as he once said, by his inherited
173
/
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
instinct for anti-climax. " I threw Hyndman over, and got to
work with Sidney Webb and the rest to place Socialism on a
respectable bourgeois footing ; hence Fabianism. Burns did the
same thing in Battersea by organizing the working classes there
on a genuine self-respecting working-class basis, instead of on
the old romantic middle-class assumptions. Hyndman wasted
years in vain denunciation of the Fabian Society and of Burns ;
and though facts became too strong for him at last, he is still
at heart the revolted bourgeois." Prior to the year 1886, there
had been no formal crystallization of the Fabian Society into a
strictly economic association, avowedly opportunist in its po-
litical policy ; after September 17th of that year the thin edge
of the wedge went in. The Manifesto of the Fabian Parlia-
mentary League contains the nucleus of the Fabian policy of
to-day.* The Fabian Society was a dead letter until Shaw,
Webb, Olivier and Wallas joined it; from that moment, it be-
came a force to be reckoned with in English life. Almost from
the very first, as Mr. Sidney Webb once wrote me, the Society
took the colour of Shaw's mordantly critical temperament, and
bore the stamp of his personality. The promise of the Fabians
lay in their open-mindedness, their diligence in the study of
advanced economics, and their resolute refusal of adherence to
any formula, however dear to Socialist enthusiasts, which did
not commend itself unreservedly to their intelligence. By 1885,
it had only forty members ; and in 1886, it was still unable to
bring its roll of members to a hundred names. In 1900, it
boasted a membership of eight hundred, and at present about
twenty-six hundred names are found upon its rolls. t It is
neither possible nor advisable for me to record the history of
the Fabian Society — that may be found in the numerous pub-
lications of the Society. But I cannot refrain from stating that
the membership increased by forty-three per cent, in the year
1906-7, that this was a year of unprecedented activity; and
* Compare the former chapter ; complete details are to be f ound in
Fabian Tract No. 41, pages 12-15.
fin the twenty-seventh Annual Report on the work of the Fabian So-
ciety (for the year ended March 31st, 1910), the membership is given
as 2,627.
in
SHAVIAN SOCIALISM
that the Society has recently been greatly strengthened by the
accession of many well-known men in English public life. There
were then eight Fabians in the London County Council ; and in
Parliament, Labour and Socialism have in the last five years
been better represented, I believe, than ever before in the history
of that body. I have recently talked at length with many of the
ablest Socialists in England. The remarkable growth of the
Fabian Society and the Socialist representation in English lit-
erature, I was told again and again, is not due to any sudden
and untrustworthy inflation of Socialist values, but is largely
due to the fact that Bernard Shaw, Sidney Webb, Hubert Bland,
and their coterie have been planting the seeds for twenty years.
Such ideas as are embodied in Mr. Lloyd George's budget and
the Old Age Pension Bill are unmistakable marks of that gradual
Socialist leavening of English political thought upon which the
Fabians have been engaged ever since 1884. " The recent
steady influx into the Fabian Society," Mr. Bland said to me
energetically, " is a clear proof to my mind that the ideas which
have been lurking in the air for a long, long time are at last
taking definite shape simultaneously in the minds of a great
many people. Such men as Bernard Shaw have brought this
thing to pass." *
During the years from 1887 to 1889, the years we are espe-
cially concerned with at present, compensation for its paucity
of numbers was found not only in the intellectual capacity, but
also in the economic inquisitiveness and acquisitiveness of the
* Worthy of record in connection with the new policy of the Fabian
Society, although discussion is outside the scope of this work, is the move-
ment inaugurated by Mr. Holbrook Jackson and Mr. A. R. Orage, after-
wards joint-editors of the London Socialist organ, The New Age, in the
foundation of the Leeds Art Club in 1905. " The object of the Leeds Art
Club," their syllabus read, " is to affirm the mutual dependence of art and
ideas." This movement, supported by a group of able lecturers, proved
so successful and so stimulating as to eventuate in the formation of the
Fabian Art Group (Bernard Shaw presiding over the initial meeting), the
declared object of which is "to interpret the relation of Art and Philosophy
to Socialism." Admirable pamphlets and brochures have been published
under its auspices; and its meetings, and the Fabian Summer School in
Wales, have been addressed by many of the most brilliant and advanced
thinkers in England. ♦
175
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
leaders in the Fabian Society. This is best revealed in Shaw's
sketch of this period :
" By far our most important work at this period was our
renewal of that historic and economic equipment of So-
cial-Democracy of which Ferdinand Lassalle boasted, and
which has been getting rustier and more obsolete ever since
his time and that of his contemporary, Karl Marx. . . .
In 1885 we used to prate about Marx's theory of value and
Lassalle's Iron Law of Wages as if it were still 1870. In
spite of Henry George, no Socialist seemed to have any
working knowledge of the theory of economic rent: its
application to skilled labour was so unheard of that the
expression ' rent of ability ' was received with laughter
when the Fabians first introduced it into their lectures and
discussions ; and as for the modern theory of value, it was
scouted as a blasphemy against Marx. . . . As to his-
tory, we had a convenient stock of imposing generaliza-
tions about the evolution from slavery to serfdom and
from serfdom to free wage labour. We drew our pictures
of society with one broad line dividing the bourgeoisie
from the proletariat, and declared that there were only
two classes really in the country. We gave lightning
sketches of the development of the mediaeval craftsman
into the manufacturer and finally into the factory hand.
We denounced Malthusianism quite as crudely as the
Malthusians advocated it, which is saying a great deal;
and we raged against emigration, national insurance, co-
operation, trade-unionism, old-fashioned Radicalism, and
everything else that was not Socialism; and that, too,
without knowing at all clearly what we meant by Social-
ism. The mischief was, not that our generalizations were
unsound, but that we had no detailed knowledge of the
content of them: we had borrowed them ready-made as
articles of faith; and when opponents like Charles Brad-
laugh asked us for details we sneered at the demand with-
out being in the least able to comply with it. The real
reason why Anarchist and Socialist worked then shoulder
176
J
SHAVIAN SOCIALISM
to shoulder as comrades and brothers was that neither one
nor the other had any definite idea of what he wanted, or
how it was to be got. All this is true to this day of the
raw recruits of the movement, and of some older hands
who may be absolved on the ground of invincible igno-
rance ; but it is no longer true of the leaders of the move-
ment in general. In 1887 even the British Association burst
out laughing as one man when an elderly representative of
Philosophic Radicalism, with the air of one who was utter-
ing the safest of platitudes, accused us of ignorance of
political economy; and now not even a Philosophical Rad-
ical is to be found to make himself ridiculous in this way.
The exemplary eye-opening of Mr. Leonard Courtney by
Mr. Sidney Webb lately in the leading English economic
review surprised nobody, except perhaps Mr. Courtney
himself. The cotton lords of the north would never dream
to-day of engaging an economist to confute us with
learned pamphlets as their predecessors engaged Nassau
Senior in the days of the Ten Hours' Bill, because they
know that we should be only too glad to advertise our
Eight Hours' Bill by flattening out any such champion.
From 1887 to 1889 we were the recognized bullies and
swashbucklers of advanced economics." *
Not without reason have the Fabians been called the Jesuits
of the Socialist evangel in England. The " waiting " of the
Fabian motto is synonymous, not with inaction, but with un-
flagging energy.f The Fabians eschewed pleasures and recre-
ations of every kind in favour of public speaking and public
instruction; their policy has always been one of education and
permeation. In the year ending April, 1889, to take a single
example, the number of lectures delivered by members of the
Fabian Society alone was upwards of seven hundred. In addi-
* Fabian Tract No. 41, pages 15-16; date, 1892.
•{■The Fabian motto, suggested by Mr. Frank Podmore, runs: "For the
right moment you must wait, as Fabius did most patiently when warring
against Hannibal, though many censured his delays; but when the time
comes you must strike hard, as Fabius did, or your waiting will be in vain
and fruitless."
177
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
tion to writing or editing many publications of the Fabian
Society, Shaw has delivered, in the last twenty-odd years, con-
siderably more than a thousand public lectures and addresses.
Until the close of 1889, the Fabians had confined their propa-
gandist campaign to three directions: publication of mani-
festos and pamphlets ; delivery of public addresses and holding
of conferences, and exciting efforts towards the permeation of
the Liberal party. In December, 1889, the Fabian Society pub-
lished the well-known book, Fabian Essays in Socialism, edited
by Shaw, and containing, in addition to two essays of his own,
essays by Sidney Olivier, William Clarke, Hubert Bland, Sidney
Webb, Annie Besant and Graham Wallas.* The authors, con-
stituting the Executive Council of the Fabian Society, made
no claim to be more than communicative learners: the book
was the outcome of their realization of the lack of anything
like authoritative, and at the same time popular, presentations
of the political, economic, and moral aspects of contemporary
Socialism.
In general, it may be said that the Fabians, while strenuously
avowing themselves strict evolutionists, are in reality highly
revolutionary. The boast of the Fabian Society is freedom
from the illusions and millennial aspirations of the great mass
of Socialists. It is a society of irreverence and scientific
iconoclasm, bowing to the fetishism neither of George nor of
Marx. Towards Marx and Lassalle, some of whose views must
now be discarded as erroneous or obsolete, the Fabian Society
insists on the necessity of maintaining as critical an attitude
as these eminent Socialists themselves maintained towards their
predecessors St. Simon and Robert Owen. In origin anarchistic
and revolutionary as could be desired, in spirit the Fabians
remain anarchistic and revolutionary. In principle avowedly
orderly and constitutional, in policy frankly opportunist, in
practice strictly scientific and economic, the Fabians may be
called the realists of the Socialist movement. They have ruth-
lessly snatched the masks from the faces of the Utopian
*This book has now gone into its seventieth thousand, and has been re-
published in both Germany and America. It is regarded to-day as the
standard text in English for Socialist lecturers and propagandists.
178
EDITED BY G. BERNARD SHAW.
PRICE ONE SHILLING.
Essays by G. Bernard Shaw, Sydney Olivier, Wm. Clarke.
Hubert Bland, Sidney Webb, Annie Besant, C. Waljas.
Facsimile or Cover Design of Fabian Essays (1890).
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
dreamers and romancers.* While the rank and file of the
" S. D. F." have been the very good friends of the Fabians,
the radical differences in their respective policies have precluded
all possibility of amalgamatipn. As succinctly stated by Shaw :
" The Fabian Society is a society for helping to bring about
the socialization of the industrial resources of the country.
The Social-Democratic Federation is a society for enlisting the
whole proletariat of the country in its own ranks and itself
socializing the national industry." The policy of the one is
fundamentally opportunist; of the other, implacably sectarian.
The Federation counts no man a Socialist until he has joined it,
and supports no man who is not a member; the Fabians advise
concentration of strength to elect that candidate, be he Socialist
or not, who gives the greatest promise of advancing, in greater
or less degree, the general cause of Socialism. The Federation
persistently claims to be the only genuine representative of
working-class interests in England; the Fabians have never
advanced the smallest pretensions in that direction. Its policy
finds ample justification in the recent history of Continental
Socialism. The tactics of the German Socialist Party, in the
last few years, have been " Fabianized " by sheer force of cir-
cumstances ; to-day, this party is, in great measure, both oppor-
tunist and constitutional, the two essential features of Fabian
policy. Sharpened in wit by rigorous persecution, Liebknecht
and his successor Bebel have learned the art of politics through
experience and exigency. In contemporary France is witnessed
the signal triumph of Fabian Socialism. The policy of Jaures,
although under the frown of the " International," will be con-
tinued in France; and Guesde, despite his barren victory at
the International Socialist Congress at Amsterdam in 1904, will
remain only vox clamantis in deserto. The history of the
Fabian Society, which is the history of Shaw, in the last twenty
years, bears evidence that the Fabians have stood in the very
forefront of the battle for collectivist measures, municipal
* Compare Fabian Tract No. 70: Report on Fabian Policy, the bomb-
shell thrown by the Fabian Society into the International Socialist Work-
ers' and Trade Union Congress, 1896.
180
SHAVIAN SOCIALISM
reforms, civic virtue and social progress. As Shaw wrote in
1900:
" In 1885 we agreed to give up the delightful ease of
revolutionary heroics and take to the hard work of practical
reform on ordinary parliamentary lines. In 1889 we pub-
lished * Fabian Essays ' without a word in them about the
value theory of Marx. In 1893 we made the first real
attack made by Socialists on Liberalism, on which occasion
the Social-Democratic Federation promptly joined in the
Liberal outcry against us. In 1896 we affirmed that the
object of Socialism was not to destroy private enterprise,
but only to make the livelihood of the people independent
of it by socializing the common industries of life, and
driving private enterprise into its proper sphere of art,
invention and new departures. This year we have led the
way in getting rid of the traditional association of our
movement with that romantic nationalism which is to the
Pole and the Irishman what Jingoism is to the English-
man. ... In short, the whole history of Socialism dur-
ing the past fifteen years in England, France, Germany,
Belgium, Austria and America, has been its disentangle-
ment from the Liberal tradition stamped on Marx, Engels
and Liebknecht in 1848, and its emergence in a character-
istic and original form of its own, modified by national
character, and, in England, calling itself Fabianism when
it is self-conscious enough to call itself anything at all." *
Strangely enough, in view of all the facts, it is customary
to regard Shaw as a purely destructive and negative spirit.
The truth is that Shaw stands for certain definite beliefs,
certain undoubted principles. His is the belief of the un-
believer, the principle of the unprincipled, the faith of the
sceptic.
Not less important than his destructive achievements has
been his constructive work in practical affairs as Vestryman and
* Socialism and Republicanism, in the Saturday Review, November 17th,
1900.
181
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
Borough Councillor. Prior to 1895, roughly speaking, the
vestries were ignorantly boasted of as the truest products of
a representative democratic government. " The truth of the
matter," Mr. Shaw once remarked to me, " is that the vestry,
as it was actually elected in those days — a few people getting
together when nobody knew of it and at some place of which
the public was not notified, and electing themselves members —
could scarcely be called a representative democratic body. We
Socialists finally began to realize that the way to get at the
vestry was to put a programme into their hands. So we sent
them all a pamphlet, requesting replies — a pamphlet entitled,
' Questions for Vestrymen,' or something of the sort. The ves-
trymen were thus forced to the wall and driven to decide upon
issues. They actually began to make up their minds on many
subjects of which hitherto they had had no conception. Slowly
the vestries, under this discipline, began to take on a truly repre-
sentative character. The personnel of the vestry was now per-
manently altered for the better. Men were elected who not only
took an interest in municipal affairs, but likewise were willing
to do any amount of hard work. I was c co-opted ' — i.e.,
chosen by the committee, by agreement with the opposite
party, obviously beaten if a vote were taken. So that I
was fortunate enough to escape the terrors of a popular
election."
It is quite beyond the scope of this book to enter into the
details of Shaw's work as Vestryman, afterwards Borough Coun-
cillor. Suffice it to say, that he was chosen in 1897, entered
at once upon the performance of his duties, and prosecuted
them for several terms with great zeal and tireless energy. His
various letters to the Press during that period, and occasional
reminiscences, show that he was always outspoken and vehe-
ment in behalf of all reforms which tended to the betterment of
the poorer classes, equalization of public privileges of men and
women, better sanitary conditions, and the municipalization of
such industries as promise to give the people at large better
service and greater value for their money than privately
operated concerns. The most tangible result of his work as
Vestryman and Borough Councillor is his book, Municipal
182
SHAVIAN SOCIALISM
Trading, which he once told me he regarded as one of the best
and most useful things he had ever done.*
At the expiration of his career as Borough Councillor, he
stood as the candidate for the Borough of St. Pancras in the
London County Council — the seat afterwards occupied by the
well-known actor, Mr. George Alexander. " I was beaten," Mr.
Shaw recently told me, " because I alienated the Nonconformist
element by favouring the improvement of the Church schools.
I was convinced that such improvement would lead to the bet-
terment of the education of the children. The Nonconformists
were enraged beyond measure by the proposal, looking with the
utmost horror upon any measure which tended to strengthen
the Church. I remember one rabid Nonconformist coming to me
one day, almost foaming at the mouth, and protesting with
violent indignation that he would not pay a single cent towards
the maintenance of the schools of the Established Church.
' Why, my dear fellow,' I replied, ' don't you know that you
pay taxes now for the support of the Roman Catholic Church
in the Island of Malta ? ' Although this staggered the irate
Nonconformist for the moment, it did not reconcile his element
to the extension of the principle to London. My contention
was that under the conditions prevailing at the time, the children
were poorly taught and poorly housed, the schools badly venti-
lated, and the conditions generally unsatisfactory. ' Improve all
the conditions,' I said ; ' appoint your own inspectors, and in the
course of time you will control the situation. Pay the piper
and you can call the tune.' But I could not override the tre-
mendous prejudice against the Church, and I was badly beaten."
One of Shaw's intimate friends told me not long ago that what
lost the seat in the L. C. C. for Shaw was his intrepid assertion,
repeated throughout the campaign, that he and Voltaire were
the only two truly religious people who had ever lived ! Shaw's
* For highly appreciative summaries of The Common Sense of Municipal
Trading (Archibald Constable and Co.), and of Shaw's article, Socialism
for Millionaires (first published in the Contemporary Review of February,
1896, and afterwards, in 1901, as Fabian Tract No. 107), compare Mr. Hoi-
brook Jackson's monograph, Bernard Shaw, pages 114-131.
183
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
own account of this, when I taxed him with it, was that he
had often pointed out that the religious opinions of the Free
Churches (the Nonconformist sects) in England to-day were
exactly those of Voltaire, and that what I had been told was
quite as near his meaning as most people contrived to get with-
out reading him. And only the other day a well-known politician
and a friend of Shaw's made the remark to me that Shaw
was an " impossible political candidate," too rash and indi-
vidualistic in his assertions to avoid alienating many people —
even some of the very men who under ordinary circumstances
might confidently be relied upon to support a progressive and
energetic reformer.
And yet it is noteworthy that as far back as the year 1889
Shaw was asked to stand as a Member of Parliament. Below
is given the text of a letter, from Shaw, at 29, Fitzroy Square,
W., London, dated March 23rd, 1889, to Mr. W. Sanders, then
Secretary of the Election Committee of the Battersea branch
of the S. D. F., now a prominent Fabian and recently member
of the London County Council. This letter, a copy of which
was most kindly given me by Mr. Sanders, was sent in reply to
a letter from him to Mr. Shaw asking him to allow his name
to be put forward as a candidate for the parliamentary repre-
sentation of Battersea subsequent to a conference between the
Battersea L. and R. Association and the Battersea branch of
the S. D. F. Mr. Shaw was mistaken in addressing Mr. Sanders
as the Secretary of the Election Committee of the Battersea
L. and R. Association.
" Dear Sir, —
" I wish it were possible for me to thank the Bat-
tersea L. and R. Association for their invitation, and accept
it without further words. But there is the old difficulty
which makes genuine democracy impossible at present — I
mean the money difficulty. For the last year I have had
to neglect my professional duties so much, and to be so
outrageously unpunctual and uncertain in the execution
of work entrusted to me by employers of literary labour,
184
SHAVIAN SOCIALISM
that my pecuniary position is worse than it was; and I
am at present almost wholly dependent on critical work
which requires my presence during several evenings in the
week at public performances. Badly as I do this at present,
I could not do it at all if I had parliamentary duties to
discharge ; and as to getting back any of the old work that
could be done in the morning, I rather think the action
I should be bound to take in Parliament would lead to
closer and closer boycotting. As to the serious literary
work that is independent of editors and politics, I have
never succeeded in making it support me ; and in any case
it is not compatible with energetic work in another direc-
tion carried on simultaneously. You must excuse my
troubling you with these details ; but the Association, con-
sisting of men who know what getting a living means, will
understand the importance of them. As a political worker
outside Parliament I can just manage to pay my way and
so keep myself straight and independent. But you know,
and the Association will know, how a man goes to pieces
when he has to let his work go, and then to run into debt,
to borrow in order to get out of debt by getting into it
again, to beg in order to pay off the loans, and finally
either to sell himself or to give up, beaten.
" If the constituency wants a candidate, I see nothing
for it but paying him. If Battersea makes up its mind to
that, it can pick and choose among men many of whom
are stronger than I. And since it is well to get so much
good value for the money as can be had, I think poor
constituencies (and all real democratic constituencies are
poor) will for some time be compelled to kill two birds with
one stone, and put the same man into both County Council
and Parliament. This, however, is a matter which you
are sure to know your own minds about, and it is not for
me to meddle in it.
" Some day, perhaps, I may be better able to take an
extra duty; for, after all, I am not a bad workman when
I have time and opportunity to show what I can do; and
I need scarcely say that if the literary employers find that
185
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
there is money to be made out of me, they will swallow my
opinions fast enough,
" I am, dear Sir,
" Yours faithfully,
" G. Bernard Shaw.
" Mr. W. Sanders."
In many quarters, even among his Socialist confreres, Ber-
nard Shaw is regarded as primarily destructive in his proposals.
And yet, at different times and in various places, he has con-
structively outlined his programme of complete Socialism. In
essential agreement with such Collectivists as Emile Vandervelde,
Jean Jaures and August Bebel, Shaw differs from them only
in regard to the successive mutations in the process of Socialist
evolution. The gradual extension of the principle of the income
tax — e.g., a " forcible transfer of rent, interest, and even rent
of ability from private holders to the State, without compensa-
tion," is the scheme of capitalistic expropriation the Collectivists
have in mind. By a gradual process of development, the im-
position of gradually increased taxes, the State will secure the
means for investment in industrial enterprises of all sorts. In-
stead of forcibly extinguishing private enterprises, the State
would extinguish them by successfully competing against them.
Thus, as Proudhon said, competition would kill competition;
in America, Mr. Gay lord Wilshire never tires of exclaiming:
" Let the Nation own the Trusts." If, as Shaw claims, the
highest exceptional talent could be had, in the open market, for
eight hundred pounds, say, nearly half the existing wages of
ability and the entire profits of capital would be diverted from
the pockets of the able men and the present possessors of capital,
and would find its way into the pockets of the State. The vast
sum thus accruing to the State would swell the existing wages
fund, and would be employed in raising the wages of the entire
community. After the means of production have been So-
cialized, and the State has become the employer, products or
riches will be distributed roughly, " according to the labour
done by each man in the collective search for them." In his
celebrated tilt with Shaw, Mr. W. H. Mallock attacked the
186
SHAVIAN SOCIALISM
validity of the economics which furnish the substructure of
Fabian Essays* Mr. Mallock's contention resolves itself into
the assertion that exceptional personal ability, and not labour,
is the main factor in the production of wealth. Far from
repudiating this assertion, Shaw embraced it, he said, in the
spirit of Mrs. Prig: " Who deniges of it, Betsy? " We support
and encourage ability, Shaw contends, in order that we may
get as much as possible out of it, not in order that it may
get as much as possible out of us. Give men of ability and their
heirs the entire product of their ability, so that they shall be
enormously rich whilst the rest of us remain as poor as if they
had never existed, and " it will become a public duty to kill
them, since nobody but themselves will be any the worse, and
we shall be much the better for having no further daily provoca-
tion to the sin of envy." Accordingly, the business of Society
is " to get the use of ability as cheaply as it can for the
benefit of the community, giving the able man just enough
advantage to keep his ability active and efficient. From the
Unsocialist point of view this is simply saying that it is the
business of Society to find out exactly how far it can rob the
able man of the product of his ability without injuring itself,
which is precisely true (from that point of view)," though
whether it is a " reduction of Socialism to dishonesty or of
Unsocialism to absurdity " may be left an open question. " If
Mr. Mallock will take his grand total of the earnings of Abil-
ity," Shaw asserts, " and strike off from it, first, all rent of
land and interest on capital, then all normal profits, then all
* Fabian Economics, in the Fortnightly Review, February, 1894. Mr.
Mallock purposed to show how the defenders of a broad and social Con-
servatism, as outlined by himself, " may be able, by a fuller understanding
of it, to speak to the intellect, the heart, and the hopes of the people of this
country (England), like the voice of a trumpet, in comparison with which
the voice of Socialism will be merely a penny whistle." Shaw delightfully
termed his rejoinder, On Mr. Mallock's Proposed Trumpet Performance,
which brought forth, in the same magazine, not one, but two rejoinders
from Mr. Mallock. In 1909 an attack by Mr. Mallock on Mr. Keir Hardie
in the Times provoked Shaw to a fierce onslaught on his old opponent, and
the Fabian Society presently republished the correspondence and the old
Fortnightly article under the title, Socialism and Superior Brains. The
latter, in a shilling edition, is also published by A. C. Fifield, London, in
the Fabian Socialist Series,
187
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
non-competitive emoluments attached to a definite status in the
public service, civil or military, from royalty downwards, then
all payments for the advantages of secondary or technical edu-
cation and social opportunities, then all fancy payments made
to artists and other professional men by very rich commonplace
people competing for their services, and then all exceptional
payments made to men whose pre-eminence exists only in the
imaginative ignorance of the public, the reminder may with
some plausibility stand as genuine rent of ability." And to Mr.
Mallock's assertion that " men of ability will not exert them-
selves to produce income when they know that the State is an
organized conspiracy to rob them of it," Shaw characteristically
retorts, " Mr. Mallock might as well deny the existence of the
Pyramids on the general ground that men will not build
pyramids when they know that Pharaoh is at the head of an
organized conspiracy to take away the Pyramids from them
as soon as they are made."
Shaw holds the fundamentally sound view that " as to the
entire assimilation of Socialism by the world, the world has never
yet assimilated the whole of any ism, and never will." In
that most subtle and distinguished of all his contributions to
the Socialist literature of our time, The Illusions of Socialism,
Shaw has expressed his firm conviction that it is not essential
for the welfare of the world to carry out Socialism in its
entirety. Unfettered by the dogmas of a political creed, un-
hampered by the bonds of a narrow partisanship, Bernard
Shaw stands forth as a great and free spirit in his prophetic
declaration that, long before it has penetrated to all corners
of the political and social organization, Socialism will have
relieved the pressure to which it owes its elasticity, and will
recede before the next great social movement, leaving every-
where intact the best survivals of individualistic liberalism. And
far from agreeing with Ibsen in his impossibilist declaration that
the State must go, Shaw not only asserts that we must put up
with the State, but also expresses no doubt whatsoever that
under Social-Democracy the few will still govern. It is a mark
of Shaw's British practicality and clear-sightedness that he rec-
ognizes in the State a practical instrumentality for effecting
188
J
SHAVIAN SOCIALISM
and directing social reform. The State is indispensable as a
means for making possible one great consummation : the devel-
opment of the strong, sound, creative personality. The unso-
cial man he regards as a " hopelessly private person." The
opportunity for the free development of the individual he re-
gards as the fundamental prerequisite and condition for the
individual's social and material wellbeing.* " That great joint-
stock company of the future, the Social-Democratic State, will
have its chairman and directors as surely as its ships will have
captains." But this admission involves no endorsement, on
Shaw's part, of the State as at present constituted. " Bakou-
nine's comprehensive aspiration to destroy all States and Estab-
lished Churches, with their religious, political, judicial, financial,
criminal, academic, economic and social laws and institutions,
seems to me perfectly justifiable and intelligible from the point
of view of the ordinary ' educated man,' who believes that
institutions make men instead of men making institutions."
The State, as at present constituted, Shaw views as simply a
huge machine for robbing and slave-driving the poor by brute
force. While he laughs at the Individualism expressed in Her-
bert Spencer's The Coming Slavery, at the Anarchy expressed
in the word Liberty, and in those " silly words " of John Hay
on the title-page of Benjamin Tucker's paper, Shaw is, never-
theless, both an individualist and an intellectual anarchist. The
alleged opposition between Socialism and Individualism, Shaw
has always strenuously maintained, is false and question-beg-
ging. " The true issue lies between Socialism and Unsocialism,
and not between Socialism and that instinct in us that leads
us to Socialism by its rebellion against the squalid levelling
down, the brutal repression, the regimenting and drilling and
conventionalizing of the great mass of us to-day, in order that
a lucky handful may bore themselves to death for want of
anything to do, and be afraid to walk down Bond Street with-
out a regulation hat and coat on." Like Ruskin, Morris and
* In his analysis of the situation in his native land, he insisted that Home
Rule was a necessity for Ireland, because the Irish would never be con-
tent, would never feel themselves free, until Home Rule was granted them.
It was not a question of logic, but a question of natural right.
189
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
Kropotkin, Shaw sees the whole imposture through and through,
" in spite of its familiarity, and of the illusions created by its
temporal power, its riches, its splendour, its prestige, its in-
tense respectability, its unremitting piety, and its high moral
pretension."
At bottom, it was a deeply religious, a fundamentally hu-
manitarian motive, which drew Shaw into Socialism. The birth
of the social passion in his soul finds its origin in the individual
desire to compass the salvation of his fellow man. A burning
sense of social injustice, a great passion for social reform, di-
rected his steps. In his inmost being he felt his complicity in
the social ills of the world. He realized that only by personally
seeking to effect the salvation of society could he achieve the
salvation of his own soul. The Will to Socialism was thus
grounded in a profound individualism : he felt their organic con-
nection. Socialism was the need of the age ; and it could only
be achieved through the freedom and development of the
individual.
That other wit and paradoxer, Mr. Gilbert Chesterton, told
the very truth itself when he said that Bernard Shaw " has
done something that has never been done in the world before.
He has become a revolutionist without becoming a sentimentalist.
He has revolted against the cant of authority, and yet con-
tinued in despising the cant of revolt." To Shaw, the middle-
class origin of the Socialist movement is in nothing so apparent
as in the persistent delusions of Socialists as to an ideal pro-
letariat, forced by the brutalities of the capitalist into an un-
willing acquiescence in war, penal codes, and other cruelties of
civilization. " They still see the social problem," Shaw wittily
remarks, " not sanely and objectively, but imaginatively, as
the plot of a melodrama, with its villain and its heroine, its
innocent beginning, troubled middle, and happy ending. They
are still the children and the romancers of politics." *
Shaw finds a sort of sly gratification in the reflection that the
world is becoming so familiar with the Socialist, that it no
longer fears, but only laughs at him. " I, the Socialist, am
* Socialism at the International Congress, in Cosmopolis, September, 1896.
190
SHAVIAN SOCIALISM
mo longer a Red Spectre. I am only a ridiculous fellow. Good :
I embrace the change. It puts the world with me. ... All
human progress involves, as its first condition, the willingness
of the pioneer to make a fool of himself. The sensible man is
the man who adapts himself to existing conditions. The fool is
the man who persists in trying to adapt the conditions to him-
self. Both extremes have their disadvantages. I cling to mj
waning folly as a corrective to my waxing good sense as anx-
iously as I once nursed my good sense to defend myself against
my folly." Shaw is the very man of whom his own Don Juan
said : " He can only be enslaved whilst he is spiritually weak
enough to listen to reason."
191
I
THE ART CRITIC
"Produce me your best critic, and I will criticize his head off." — On
Diabolonian Ethics. In Three Plays for Puritans. Preface, p. xxi.
CHAPTER VII
SHAW'S career as a critic dates from the period of his first
acquaintance with Mr. William Archer, in 1885. After
living for nine years, according to his own story, on the six
pounds of which he is so fond of speaking, Shaw was at last
reduced to quite straitened financial circumstances. He eagerly
seized the opportunity to become a critic afforded him by Mr.
Archer's ingenious kindness. " Our friend, William Archer,"
Shaw relates, " troubled by this state of things, to which the
condition of my wardrobe bore convincing testimony, rescued me
by a stratagem. Being already famous as the ' W. A.' of the
World's drama, he boldly offered to criticize pictures as well.
Edmund Yates was only too glad to get so excellent a critic.
Archer got me to do the work, resigned the post as soon as I had
got firm hold of it, and left me in possession." The years from
1885 to 1889, during which he lived at 29, Fitzroy Square, Shaw
devoted in part to criticism of art, contemporary English art in
particular; during this period, he once told me, he criticized
every picture show in London. He also published many un-
signed literary reviews and sallies in the Pall Mall Gazette;
whilst a number of his criticisms of pictures appeared in un-
signed paragraphs, both in the World, 1885 to 1888, and in
Truth, 1889. A few of his critiques also appeared in a maga-
zine called Our Corner.
I recently read Shaw's critical reviews of this period, espe-
cially the complete file of his articles in the Pall Mall Gazette
from May 16th, 1885, to August 31st, 1888, placed at my dis-
posal by Mr. Shaw. The articles are pertinent and shrewd, but
only comparatively few are marked by that peculiar and fan-
tastic humour which has come to be known as Shavian. They
embrace every sort of subject from Ouida's novels to the Life
of Madame BlavatsTey, from Grant Allen to W. Stanley Jevons,
from Cairo to the Surrey Hills — art, fiction, music, drama,
195
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
science, theology. Occasionally Shaw took delight in adding
to the gaiety and curiosity of his readers by putting forth
some Shavian frivolity, under an assumed name. Such, for
example, was his letter to the Pall Mall Gazette on The Taming
of the Shrew, dated June 8th, 1888, the earliest instance I have
of his so-called " Shakspearean Bull-baiting " — a letter copied
innumerable times and in almost every paper in the United
Kingdom. It ran as follows:
" To the Editor of the Pall Mall Gazette.
" Snt, — They say that the American woman is the most
advanced woman to be found at present on this planet. I
am an Englishwoman, just come up, frivolously enough,
from Devon to enjoy a few weeks of the season in London,
and at the very first theatre I visit I find an American
woman playing Katharine in The Taming of the Shrew —
a piece which is one vile insult to womanhood and man-
hood from the first word to the last. I think no woman
should enter a theatre where that play is performed; and
I should not have stayed to witness it myself, but that,
having been told that the Daly Company has restored
Shakspeare's version to the stage, I desired to see with
my own eyes whether any civilized audience would stand
its brutality. Of course, it was not Shakspeare: it was
only Garrick adulterated by Shakspeare. Instead of
Shakspeare's coarse, thick-skinned money hunter, who sets
to work to tame his wife exactly as brutal people tame
animals or children — that is, by breaking their spirit by
domineering cruelty — we had Garrick's fop who tries to
' shut up ' his wife by behaving worse than she — a plan
which is often tried by foolish and ill-mannered young
husbands in real life, and one which invariably fails igno-
miniously, as it deserves to. The gentleman who plays
Petruchio at Daly's — I neither know nor desire to know
his name — does what he can to persuade the audience that
he is not in earnest, and that the whole play is a farce,
just as Garrick before him found it necessary to do ; but
in spite of his fine clothes, even at the wedding, and his
196
Alvi?i Langdon Coburn.']
SHAW'S SECOND HOME IN LONDON.
Fitzroy Square (No. 29).
{Facing p. 194
THE ART CRITIC
winks and smirks when Katharine is not looking, he can-
not make the spectacle of a man cracking a heavy whip
at a starving woman otherwise than disgusting and un-
manly. In an age when a woman was a mere chattel,
Katharine's degrading speech about
"*Thy husband is thy lord, thy life, thy keeper,
Thy head, thy sovereign: one that cares for thee (with a whip),
And for thy maintainance ; commits his body
To painful labour, both by sea and land,' etc.
might have passed with an audience of bullies. But
imagine a parcel of gentlemen in the stalls at the Gaiety
Theatre, half of them perhaps living idly on their wives'
incomes, grinning complacently through it as if it were
true or even honourably romantic. I am sorry that I
did not come to town earlier that I might have made a
more timely protest. In the future I hope all men and
women who respect one another will boycott The Taming
of the Shrew until it is driven off the boards.
" Yours truly,
" HoRATIA RlBBONSON.
" St. James's Hotel, and Fairheugh Rectory, North
Devon, June 7th."
In his capacity as art critic, when time was priceless and
hundreds of pictures had to be examined critically, Shaw found
his knowledge of phonography invaluable. I recently looked
over a collection of his art catalogues during a single year,
and his phonographic notes give a miniature forecast of the
art criticism he is presently to write. Beside the titles of
certain pictures often appears a single adjective: "gaudy,"
"brilliant," "stupid," and the like; beside others, " Wilkie,"
" Reynolds," and the names of other artists, indicating his
detection of resemblance to or imitation of the works of the
masters. Beside the mention of a " Lighthouse " picture is
pencilled the explanatory note, a mixture of praise and blame :
" Too green. Has a lamp lighted. Good subject." One
recognizes the Shavian timbre in such laconic notes as " Fluffy
style"; "What does he mean?" "Very dreadful!" and
197
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
" Same old game." And we feel sure that Shaw will " gore
and trample " the unfortunate wretches who called forth the
damning comments — " wheels awful," " idiotic," and " green
blush and pasty face."
During these years, however, from 1885 to 1888 in especial,
Socialism was the living centre of all Shaw's interests. His
time was principally devoted to the most active form of So-
cialist propagandism. The literary articles of this period do
not possess the piquant interest of the " C. di B." or the
" G. B. S." criticisms, which are quite remarkable for epigram,
satire, and paradox. Most of them are almost unintelligible
now that they can no longer be read with the context of the
events of the week in which they appeared. Shaw has always
been a leader of forlorn hopes ; at this time, willy-nilly, he was
on the side of the majority. I remember one day quoting
Clarence Rook's remark to the effect that Shaw is like the kite,
and can rise only when the popularis aura is against him.
" No, that is a radical mistake," Mr. Shaw said forcibly. " I
have never worked with the sense that everybody is against
me. On the contrary, my inspiration springs from a sense of
sympathy with my views." Still, one might say that it has
always been as a defiant and vexatious personality that Shaw
has best succeeded in arousing and challenging clamorous pro-
test. Hermann Bahr insists that Bernard Shaw possesses in
rich measure the remarkable and exceptional talent of the
great artist-critic: the ability to arouse the whole state, the
whole nation, against him. Not only was that opposition,
which is the very breath of his nostrils, non-existent : there was
no great battle on in the world of art in London comparable
to those that were yet to be waged. It is true that the Im-
pressionist movement was struggling for life in London, and
while Shaw defended it vigorously, neither its day nor his day
was yet come. As an almost totally unknown, comparatively
unskilled critic of literature and art, he could scarcely be
expected to create the unparalleled sensations which he subse-
quently achieved as a Shakespearean image-breaker, a cham-
pion of Wagner and Ibsen, and the most radical exponent of
the newest forms of the New Drama.
198
THE ART CRITIC
And yet it was during these very years that he developed
those remarkable qualities which have won him the title of
the most brilliant of contemporary British journalistic critics.
On all sides the younger generation, which included Mr. Shaw
as one of its most daring and iconoclastic members, rose up in
revolt against academicism in style. The New Journalism came
into being. " Lawless young men," says Shaw, " began to
write and print the living English language of their own day
instead of the prose style of one of Macaulay's characters
named Addison. They split their infinitives and wrote such
phrases as ' a man nobody ever heard of,' instead of, ' a man
of whom nobody had ever heard ' ; or, more classical still, ' a
writer hitherto unknown.' Musical critics, instead of reading
books about their business and elegantly regurgitating their
erudition, began to listen to music and to distinguish between
sounds ; critics of painting began to look at pictures ; critics
of the drama began to look at something besides the stage ; and
descriptive writers actually broke into the House of Commons,
elbowing the reporters into the background, and writing about
political leaders as if they were mere play-actors. The inter-
view, the illustration, and the cross-heading hitherto looked on
as American vulgarities impossible to English literary gentle-
men, invaded all our papers; and, finally, as the climax and
masterpiece of literary Jacobinism, the Saturday Review ap-
peared with a signed article in it. Then Mr. Traill and all
his generation covered their faces with their togas and died at
the base of Addison's statue, which all the while ran ink."
" Don't misunderstand my position," Mr. Shaw once remarked
to me. " It is true that I was opposed to academicism in style,
not to style itself. I believe in style. I thought that the
academicism we had was not good academicism. I was pedantic
enough myself when I first began to write — when I wrote my
first novel. Afterwards I came to the conclusion that a phrase
meant much only after it had been washed into shape in the
mouths of dozens of generations. The fact of the matter is
that I am extremely sensitive to the form of art." Shaw
simply repudiated the classical tradition of writing like " a
scholar and a gentleman." As far as his scholarship was con-
199
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
cerned, he took the greatest pains to dissemble the little he
possessed. Moreover, he doubted if it had ever been worth
while being a " gentleman," and used every means in his power
to discredit this antiquated survival of the age of sentimen-
talism. He always aimed at accuracy, but scoffed consumedly
at the notion of achieving " justice " in criticism. " I am not
God Almighty," he said in effect, " and nobody but a fool could
expect justice from me, or any other superhuman attribute."
He wrote boldly according to his bent; he said only what he
wanted to say, and not what he thought he ought to say, or
what was right, or what was just. To Shaw, this affected,
manufactured, artificial conscience of morality and justice was
of no use in the writing of genuine criticism, or in the making
of true works of art. For that, he felt that one must have
the real conscience that gives a man courage to fulfil his will
by saying what he likes. An epigram I once heard him make:
" Accuracy only means discovering the relation of your will
to facts instead of cooking the facts to save trouble " — is a
note of his entire criticism. Shaw sought simply to write as
accurately, as frankly, as vividly, and as lightly as possible.
He hesitated neither at violating taste, nor at being vexatious,
even positively disagreeable. " If I meet an American tourist
who is greatly impressed with the works of Raphael, Kaulbach,
Delaroche and Barry," he once said, " and I, with Titian and
Velasquez in my mind, tell him that not one of his four heroes
was a real painter, I am no doubt putting my case absurdly;
but I am not talking nonsense, for all that: indeed, to the
adept seer of pictures I am only formulating a commonplace
in an irritatingly ill-considered way. But in this world if you
do not say a thing in an irritating way, you may just as well
not say it at all, since nobody will trouble themselves about
anything that does not trouble them."
Mr. H. M. Hyndman, the great English Socialist, once told
me that he was really the first person in England to discover
Shaw. " In 1883," he explained, " I wrote a letter of recom-
mendation for Shaw to Frederick Greenwood, at that time
editor of the Pall Mall Gazette. The letter led to nothing, it
is true; but that is not material. The point is, that in that
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THE ART CRITIC
letter I compared Shaw to Heine — a comparison for which I
have been unmercifully chaffed many times since. Of course,
Shaw does not possess Heine's wonderful gift of lyrism; but
as iconoclastic critics, they have many qualities in common.
In his power to turn up for our inspection the seamy side of
the robe of modern life, and make us recoil at the sight, Ber-
nard Shaw is without a peer.
" I have always been inclined to class Bernard Shaw and my
dear friend George Meredith together. In enigmatic character
and faculty of mystification as to their real opinion, they are
remarkably alike."
Of Shaw, in all his criticism, might be quoted his own words
descriptive of George Henry Lewes as a critic of the drama:
" He expressed his most laboured criticisms with a levity which
gave them the air of being the unpremeditated whimsicalities
of a man who had perversely taken to writing about the theatre
for the sake of the jest latent in his own outrageous unfitness
for it.'"
If the world is convinced that Shaw is only a gay deceiver, he
himself has felt from the very beginning that the role he plays
is that of the candid friend of society. " Waggery as a
medium is invaluable," he once explained. " My case is really
the case of Rabelais over again. When I first began to pro-
mulgate my opinions, I found that they appeared extravagant,
and even insane. In order to get a hearing, it was necessary
for me to attain the footing of a privileged lunatic, with the
licence of a jester. Fortunately the matter was very easy. I
found that I had only to say with perfect simplicity what I
seriously meant just as it struck me, to make everybody laugh.
My method, you will have noticed, is to take the utmost trouble
to find the right thing to say, and then say it with the utmost
levity. And all the time the real joke is that I am in earnest."
It is Shaw's supreme distinction that he refuses to view life
through the confining, beclouding medium of convention. His
primal claim to serious attention is based upon the assertion
of his freedom from illusion. If he appears grotesque and
eccentric, it is not so much because he expresses himself gro-
tesquely and eccentrically: it is primarily because he scruti-
201
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
nizes life with a more aquiline eyesight than that of the illuded
majority. His levity has saved him from martyrdom; for,
although it is a very difficult thing to speak disagreeable truths,
it is a still more difficult thing to listen to them. Recall the
treatment the British public gave to George Moore for his
advocacy of realism, to Vizetelly for his championing of Zola,
even to Shaw himself for his defence of Ibsen ! Shaw has based
all his brilliancy and solidity, Mr. Chesterton acutely observes,
upon the hackneyed, but yet forgotten, fact that truth is
stranger than fiction. And Shaw himself has cleverly put the
case in his own paradoxical way. " There is an indescribable
levity — not triviality mind, but levity — something spritelike
about the final truth of a matter; and this exquisite levity
communicates itself to the style of a writer who will face the
labour of digging down to it. It is the half-truth which is
congruous, heavy, serious, and suggestive of a middle-aged or
elderly philosopher. The whole truth is often the first thing
that comes into the head of a fool or a child; and when a wise
man forces his way to it through the many strata of his
sophistications, its wanton, perverse air reassures him instead
of frightening him." *
This spritelike quality, this indescribable levity inherent in
the final truth of a matter, has communicated itself to Shaw's
style in the most intimate way. With the not unnatural result
that it is difficult for the average man to believe that opinions
advanced with such light-hearted levity carry any of the weight
of final truth. It is for this reason that all of Shaw's attempts
to write genuine autobiography have been greeted with the
most amiable scepticism. Shaw himself is able to speak with
more confidence on the folly of writing scientific natural his-
tory, because he has1 tried the experiment, within certain timid
limits, of being candidly autobiographical.
" I have produced no permanent impression," he de-
clares, " because nobody has ever believed me. I once told
* Who I Am, and What I Think. Part II., in the Candid Friend, May
18th, 1901.
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THE ART CRITIC
a brilliant London journalist * some facts about my fam-
ily, running to forty-first cousins and to innumerable
seconds and thirds. Like most large families, it did not
consist exclusively of teetotallers, nor did all its members
remain until death up to the very moderate legal standard
of sanity. One of them discovered an absolutely original
method of committing suicide. It was simple to the verge
of triteness, yet no human being had ever thought of it
before. It was also amusing. But in the act of carrying
it out, my relative jammed the mechanism of his heart —
possibly in the paroxysm of laughter which the mere nar-
ration of his suicidal method has never since failed to
provoke — and if I may be allowed to state the result in
my Irish way, he died a second before he succeeded in
killing himself. The coroner's jury found that he died
' from natural causes ' ; and the secret of the suicide was
kept not only from the public, but from most of the
family.
" I revealed the secret in private conversation to the
brilliant journalist aforesaid. He shrieked with laughter
and printed the whole story in his next causerie. It never
for a moment occurred to him that it was true. To this
day he regards me as the most reckless liar in London."
Had Shaw ever attempted to write the Rougon-Macquart
history of his family in twenty volumes, along the candid lines
of the above narrative, it is not improbable that he would there-
after have been permanently and forcibly deprived of his
privileges as a lunatic. " I have not yet ascertained the truth
about myself," he wrote some years ago. " For instance, am I
mad or sane? I really do not know. Doubtless, I am clever
in certain directions ; my talent has enabled me to cut a figure
in my profession in London. But a man may, like Don
Quixote, be clever enough to cut a figure and yet be stark mad.
A critic recently described me, with deadly acuteness, as hav-
ing ' a kindly dislike of my fellow-creatures.' Perhaps dread
*Mr. A. B. Walkley, Mr. Shaw lately told me.
203
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
would have been nearer the mark than dislike; for man is the
only animal of which I am thoroughly and cravenly afraid. I
have never thought much of the courage of a lion tamer. In-
side the cage he is at least safe from other men. There is not
much harm in a lion. He has no ideals, no religion, no politics,
no chivalry, no gentility; in short, no reason for destroying
anything that he does not want to eat. In the late war, the
Americans burnt the Spanish fleet, and finally had to drag men
out of hulls that had become furnaces. The effect of this on
one of the American commanders was to make him assemble
his men and tell them that he believed in God Almighty. No
lion would have done that. On reading it and observing that
the newspapers, representing normal public opinion, seemed
to consider it a very creditable, natural and impressively pious
incident, I came to the conclusion that I must be mad. At all
events, if I am sane, the rest of the world ought not to be at
large. We cannot both see things as they really are."
It was at a somewhat later time that the critics came to treat
Shaw as a reckless liar and a privileged lunatic. At this period,
he impressed the self-conscious literary clique as a witty, but
frivolous, ignoramus, totally incompetent to discuss the high
subjects of which he professed such penetrating comprehension.
I once had an interesting discussion with Mr. Shaw about the
subject of his flippancy. " Do you accept as just the criticism,
made in some quarters," I asked Mr. Shaw, " that you and
Whistler were very much alike in your attitude towards the
general public ? "
" Not at all, that is a crude error," replied Mr. Shaw ear-
nestly. " Whistler came to grief because he gave himself up to
clever smartness, which is abhorrent to the average English-
man. As for me, I have never for a moment lost sight of my
serious relation to a serious public. You see, I had an advan-
tage over Whistler in any case, for at least three times every
week I could escape from artistic and literary stuff, and talk
seriously on serious subjects to serious people. For this rea-
son— because I persisted in Socialist propagandism — I never
once lost touch with the real world."
Shaw's critiques, sallies, and reviews were the combination of
204
THE ART CRITIC
a laborious criticism with a recklessly flippant manner. Into
literature he carried the methods he adopted on the platform,
where he tossed off the most diligently acquired, studiously
pondered information with all the insouciance of omniscience.
As a critic, Shaw has ever laboured for the scanty wages of
the " intolerable fatigue of thought." In characteristic style,
he has gone so far as to declare that good journalism is much
rarer and more important than good literature; he has no
sympathy with Disraeli's view of a critic as an author who has
failed. " I know as one who has practised both crafts," wrote
Shaw in 1892, " that authorship is child's play compared to
criticism; and I have, you may depend upon it, my full share
of the professional instinct which regards the romancer as a
mere adventurer in literature and the critic as a highly skilled
workman. Ask any novelist or dramatist whether he can write
a better novel or play than I ; and he will blithely say ' Yes.'
Ask him to take my place as critic -for one week; and he will
blench from the test. The truth is that the critic stands be-
tween popular authorship, for which he is not silly enough,
and great authorship, for which he is not genius enough." *
While Mr. Shaw was laboriously striving to impart lightness
and insouciance to his literary style, and to acquire careless
sang-froid as a platform speaker, he was likewise making the
acquaintance of certain distinguished men of his day. His
relation and association with William Morris5 for example,
exercised no noteworthy influence upon his art; but it cer-
tainly did no less than accentuate certain distinct traits of his
character. Unmistakably, in this way, does this association
serve to give us a clearer insight into the rationale of Shaw's —
popularly-called — idiosyncrasies. On the other hand, it fur-
nishes us a new aspect of Morris from the Shavian point of
view.
Readers of the authorized edition of Cashel Byron's Profes-
sion will recall that William Morris, who, like Shaw, had thrown
himself into the Socialist revival of the early eighties, first
* The Author to the Dramatic Critics, Appendix I. to the first edition of
Widowers' Houses. London, Henry and Co., Bouverie Street, E.C., 1893.
205
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
became curious about Shaw through reading the monthly in-
stalments of An Unsocial Socialist as they appeared in the
Socialist magazine To-Day. Shaw had heard of Morris, to
be sure; and had even, years before, once seen him — of all
places in the world! — in the Dore Gallery. Yet his notions
about Morris were, in reality, of the vaguest. He knew noth-
ing beyond the meagre facts that he was a poet, that he be-
longed to the Rossetti circle, and that he was associated with
Burne-Jones and with what was then called iEstheticism. He
had never read a line of Morris's, and, in fact, had taken no
definite measure of his calibre. This was the situation when
Shaw found himself one evening in Gatti's big restaurant in
the Strand at the table with Morris and H. M. Hyndman.
Morris belonged to Mr. Hyndman's society, the Democratic
Federation, now the Social-Democratic Federation, while Mr.
Hyndman himself was the head centre of London Socialism.
With naive simplicity, Morris humbly announced that he was
prepared to do whatever he was told and go wherever he was
led: that was all he could say. In a letter to me describing
the interview, written many years afterwards, Mr. Shaw said
that, while it was only snap- judgment — a personal impression
across the table — he could not help being " privately tickled
by this announcement from an obviously ungovernable man who
was too big to be led by any of us."
In ignorance concerning Morris, Shaw was not alone: the
other Socialists were in precisely the same predicament. Mor-
ris himself said afterwards that it was among his Socialist
confreres that he first realized he was an elderly duffer. His
old Rossettian associates used to call him Topsy; but, as
readers of Lady Burne-Jones's Memorials will recall, Burne-
Jones used to be angry when she applied this embarrassing
nickname to Morris before strangers. If Morris was affec-
tionately regarded as a young man by his associates of the
" P. R. B.," to his Socialist allies he looked older than he was —
sixty at fifty, though a magnificent sixty — a sort of " sixty-
years-young " patriarch. Morris and Shaw, after they set-
tled down to the routine of Socialist agitation, were at the
opposite poles of the movement. Shaw headed the Fabian
206
THE ART CRITIC
Society, while Morris, after his secession from the S. D. F.,
organized the Socialist League, which shortly went to pieces —
because, as Shaw says, there was only one William Morris ; he
was afterwards the leading spirit in the Hammersmith So-
cialist Society. Despite this fundamental difference in view-
point— for Morris's fundamental conceptions were " Equality,
Communism, and the rediscovery under Communism of Art as
* work-pleasure,' " whereas Shaw, as a Fabian, aimed simply
at the reduction of Socialism to a constitutional political pol-
icy— there was never any personal friction between the two.
Indeed, they did a great deal of speaking together in the early
days, most of it at the street corner, and often thought them-
selves lucky if they had an audience of twenty. In after years,
we find Morris with the broadest of views endeavouring to set-
tle the differences which arose between the various Socialist
sects. By 1893, when he gave his well-known address entitled
Communism before the Hammersmith Socialist Society, Morris
had acquired an intimate knowledge of the attempt to organize
Socialism in England which began in the early eighties. " He
had himself undertaken and conducted," writes Shaw, " that
part of the experiment which nobody else would face: namely,
the discovery and combination, without distinction of class, of
all those who were capable of understanding Equality and Com-
munism as he understood it, and their organization as an ef-
fective force for the overthrow of the existing order of prop-
erty and privilege. In doing so he had been brought into
contact, and often into conflict, with every other section of the
movement. He knew all his men and knew all their methods.
He knew that the agitation was exhausted, and that the time
had come to deal with the new policy which the agitation had
shaken into existence. Accordingly, we find him in this (the
above-mentioned) paper, doing what he could to economize the
strength of the movement by making peace between its jarring
sections, and recalling them from their disputes over tactics and
programs to the essentials of their cause." *
*Note of the Editor, G. B. Shaw, of Fabian Tract No. 113: Communism
—a lecture by William Morris, published by the Fabian Society.
207
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
None of Morris' Socialist associates were in the least degree
hero-worshippers, at least where he was concerned: they never
bothered at all about his eminence. " I was not myself con-
scious of the impression he had made on me," Mr. Shaw once
remarked to me, in explaining his feeling for Morris, " until
one evening, at a debating society organized by Stopford
Brooke, when Morris, in a speech on Socialism in the course of
a debate, astonished me by saying that he left the economics to
me — ' in that respect I regard Shaw as my master.' The
phrase meant only that he left that side of the case to me,
as he always did when we campaigned together, but though I
knew this, still it gave me a shock which made me aware that
I had unconsciously rated him so highly that his compliment
gave me a sort of revulsion." It was genuine modesty which
once prompted Shaw to say that he never liked to call himself
Morris's friend, because he was too much his junior and too
little necessary or serviceable to him in his private affairs. And
yet he enjoyed an unstinted and unreserved intercourse with
Morris: one of Shaw's best-known Fabian tracts, The Transi-
tion to Social Democracy, for example, was written at Morris's
mediaeval manor-house, Lechlade, on the Thames, and was
heartily approved on its historical side by that erudite student
of the Middle Ages. Shaw once said that no man was more
liberal in his attempts to improve Morris's mind than he was;
" but I always found that, in so far as I was not making a
most horrible idiot of myself out of misknowledge (I could
forgive myself for pure ignorance), he could afford to listen
to me with the patience of a man who had taught my teachers.
There were people whom we tried to run him down with — Ten-
nysons, Swinburnes, and so on ; but their opinions about things
did not make any difference, Morris's did." *
Morris greatly enjoyed a number of Shaw's essays, for the
prime reason that in those essays Shaw said certain things
which Morris wanted to have said. After Shaw's celebrated
reply to Max Nordau, Morris suddenly began to talk to Shaw
* Obituary essay: Morris as Actor and Dramatist, in the Saturday
Review, October 10th, 1896. Reproduced in Dramatic Opinions and Es-
says, Vol. II.
208
THE ART CRITIC
about Whistler and the Impressionists in a way which showed
that he knew all about them and what they were driving at,
though before that Shaw had given Morris up as — on that sub-
ject— an intolerant and ignorant veteran of the pre-Raphaelite
movement. That this was highly characteristic of Morris from
Shaw's standpoint is evidenced by some paragraphs in Shaw's
obituary notice of Morris in the Saturday Review. " When an
enthusiast for some fashionable movement or reaction in art
would force it into the conversation, he (Morris) would often
behave so as to convey an impression of invincible prejudice
and intolerant ignorance, and so get rid of it. But later on,
he would let slip something that showed, in a flash, that he had
taken in the whole movement at its very 'first demonstration,
and had neither prejudices nor illusions about it. When you
knew the subject yourself, and could see beyond it and around
it, putting it in its proper place and accepting its limits, he
could talk fast enough about it; but it did not amuse him to
allow novices to break a lance with him5 because he had no
special facility for brilliant critical demonstration, and re-
quired too much patience for his work to waste any of it on
idle discussions. Consequently there was a certain intellectual
roguery about him of which his intimate friends were very well
aware; so that if a subject were thrust on him, the aggressor
was sure to be ridiculously taken in if he did not calculate
on Morris's knowing much more about it than he pretended."
He thus often presented himself as imperious and prejudiced,
because up to a certain point he would neither agree nor discuss,
simply giving you up as walking in darkness. But the moment
you had worked your way through the subject and come out on
the other side, as Shaw expressed it, Morris would suddenly be-
gin to talk like an expert and show all sorts of knowledge —
scientific, political, commercial, intellectual-as-opposed-to-
artistic, and so on — that you never suspected him of. " He
was fond of quoting Robert Owen's rule : ' Don't argue : re-
peat your assertion,' " Mr. Shaw recently told me ; " and mere
debating, which he knew to be an intellectual game and not
an essential part of the Will-to-Socialism (so to speak), did
not interest him enough to make him good at it. But he
209
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW >.
highly enjoyed hearing anyone else do it cleverly on his side,
and was furious when it was done on the other side. In point
of command of modern critical language, he was by no means
a ready man; and as I was in great practice just then, he
would take a prompt from me (if it was the right one) with as
much relief and simplicity as if I had found his spectacles for
him."
Shaw once said that, as far as he was aware, he shared with
Mr. Henry Arthur Jones the distinction of being the only
modern dramatist, except the author of Charley's Aunt, which
bored Morris, whose plays were witnessed by Morris. Shaw did
not pretend to claim Morris's visits as a spontaneous act of
homage to modern acting and the modern drama, but only as
a tribute of personal friendship ; for Morris was a " twelfth-
twentieth-century artist," exclusively preoccupied with a vision
of beauty unrealized upon the modern stage. In a passage
in a letter to me, Mr. Shaw has tersely etched the firm figure
of the artist and the man, who could not be induced " to accept
ugliness as art, no matter how brilliant, how fashionable, how
sentimental, or intellectually interesting you might make it."
" Morris's artistic integrity was, humanly speaking,
perfect. You could not turn him aside from the question
of the beauty and the decency of a thing by bringing up
its interest, scientific, casuistic, novel, curious, historical,
or what not. That was most extraordinary in so clever
a man; for he was capable of all the interests. Com-
pared to him Ruskin was not an artist at all : he was only
a man whose interest in Nature led him to study Turner,
and whose insight into religion gave him a clue to the art
of the really religious painters. He would not give two-
pence for a rarity or a curiosity or a relic; but when he
saw a sanely beautiful thing, and it was for sale, he went
into the shop; seized it, held it tight under his arm (it
was generally a mediaeval book) ; and, after the feeblest
and most transparent show of bargaining, bought it for
whatever was asked. Once, when he was rebuked for pay-
ing eight hundred pounds for something that a dealer
210
Photo by Elliott & Fry']
htkifrMwi
[Baker Street, London.
[Facing v. 209
THE ART CRITIC
would have got for four hundred and fifty pounds, I said,
' If you want a thing, you always get the worst of the
bargain.' Morris was delighted with my wisdom, and
probably spent many unnecessary pounds on the strength
of that poor excuse.
" This artistic integrity of his was what made him un-
intelligible to the Philistine public. When the Americans
set to work to imitate his printing, they showed that they
regarded him as a fashionably quaint and foolish person;
and the Roycroft Shop and all the rest of the culture-
curiosity shops of the States poured forth abominations
which missed every one of his lessons and exaggerated
every one of the practices he tried to cure printers of.
In the same way his houses at Hammersmith and Kelm-
scott were, though quite homely, as beautiful in their do-
mestic way as St. Sophia's in Stamboul ; but other people's
6 Morris houses ' always went wrong, even when he started
them right."
One day Mr. Shaw and I were discussing Morris and the
influence he exerted upon Shaw. " What Morris taught me,"
confessed Mr. Shaw, " was in the main technical — printing, for
example.* And I soon came to realize that his most charac-
teristic trait was integrity in the artistic sense. By watching
Morris, I first learned that Ruskin wasn't strong as a critic of
works of art. In a sense, Ruskin was a naturalist because he
understood Turner. And the key to his comprehension of the
pre-Raphaelites was his religious sense. And yet he could not
discover so glaring an error as Bernardino Luini's employment
of the same model for the Virgin and the Magdalen. The
trouble with Ruskin was that he invariably fell into egregious
blunders when he didn't have his religious clue."
" I learned a great deal from Morris," he added, " be-
cause Morris and I worked together in Socialism — and, as
a critic, I was intensely interested in the pre-Raphaelite
movement."
* In this connection, compare The Author's View. A Criticism of Modern
Book Printing. By Bernard Shaw. In the Caxton Magazine, January,
1902.
211
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
It was always a source of regret to Shaw that he never met
Burne-Jones, Morris's greatest friend. When Morris died,
Shaw wrote obituary articles in the Daily Chronicle and in the
Saturday Review; and when McKaiPs Life of Morris appeared,
he reviewed it in the Daily Chronicle. Burne-Jones was pleased
by the Saturday Review article, and wanted to meet Shaw.
They made appointment after appointment; but something al-
ways occurred — an illness, a journey, or the like — to defeat
them. At last they resolved that the meeting must come off;
and a firm arrangement was made — for a Sunday lunch, it
seems — to be kept at all hazards. But Destiny had a card up
its sleeve that they did not reckon with. Burne-Jones died the
day before; so Shaw never met him as an acquaintance, and
only saw him twice, once at an exhibition where he heard him
say that a picture attibuted to Morris had been partly painted
by Madox Brown, and once at a theatre, where their seats
happened to be next one another.
When Shaw became a critic of music in 1888, he began to
consider whether he was making enough money by the very
hard work of plodding through all the picture exhibitions. At
last he counted his gains, and found, to his amazement, that
his remuneration for paragraphs at fivepence per line, worked
out at — according to his recollection afterwards — less than
forty pounds a year; whereas two hundred pounds would not
have been at all excessive for the work. " Edmund Yates, when
I resigned and told him why," Mr. Shaw once told me, " was
as much staggered as I was myself, and proposed a much
more lucrative arrangement by which I should divide the work
with Lady Colin Campbell. But the division would not have
been fair to her ; and Yates, recognizing this, did what I asked,
which was, to hand the whole department over to Lady Colin,
and confine my contributions to music alone."
The period of Shaw's activities as an art critic is memorable
less for the quality and value of his criticism than for the
revelation of the essential moral integrity of the man so often
denounced as the cranky immoralist of this, our time. This,
as we shall see, appears most clearly in his relations with W.
E. Henley, the story of which, I believe, has never been told
212
THE ART CRITIC
in print; yet other crucial instances, equally revelative, are
worthy of record. Shaw's experience amply justifies his state-
ment that the public has hardly any suspicion of the rarity of
the able editor who is loyal to his profession and to his staff;
and that without such an editor even moderately honest criti-
cism is impossible. Take, for example, the case of Shaw and
a London paper. Shaw wrote about pictures for the best part
of a season until a naive proposal was made to him that he
should oblige certain artist-friends of the editorium by favour-
able notices, and was assured that he might oblige any friends
of his own in the same way. " This proposal was made in per-
fect good faith and in all innocence," Shaw candidly avers,
" it never having occurred to those responsible that art criti-
cism was a serious pursuit or that any question of morals or
conduct could possibly arise over it. Of course I resigned with
some vigour, though without any ill humour; but some I know
were quite sincerely, pathetically hurt by my eccentric, un-
friendly and disobliging conduct." During his career as a
critic Shaw was repeatedly urged by colleagues to call atten-
tion to some abuse which they themselves were not sufficiently
strongly situated to mention. He had to resign very desirable
positions on the critical staff of London papers ; in the case
above mentioned, because he considered it derogatory to write
insincere puffs ; and in another case, " because my sense of
style revolted against the interpolation in my articles of sen-
tences written by others to express high opinions of artists,
unknown to fame and to me." This second resignation fol-
lowed the appearance of an Academy notice, written by Shaw
in the capacity of art critic to another London paper. This
article on an Academy exhibition appeared padded out to an
extraordinary length by interpolations praising works which
Shaw had never seen — " No. 2,744 is a sweet head of Mrs.
by that talented young artist, Miss ," and so on. It
is needless to add that Shaw resigned in a highly explosive
manner. And so Shaw vanished from the picture galleries. His
comment on the conduct of the management of these papers
explains his own attitude, testifying conclusively to the rigour
of the moral standard to which he always conformed. " They
213
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
were no more guilty of corruption," Mr. Shaw expressed the
case to me, " than a man with no notion of property can be
guilty of theft; and to this day they probably have not the
least idea why I threw up a reasonably well-paid job and
assumed an attitude vaguely implying some sort of disap-
proval of their right to do what they liked with their own
paper."
It was probably at the particular Press view just referred to,
some time after 1889, that Henley's meeting with Shaw oc-
curred. To go back a little, James Runciman, the uncle of
J. F. Runciman, the musical critic, was a Cashel Byronite, and
used to write Shaw letters containing occasional references to
Henley, who also admired Cashel Byron's Profession. Between
Runciman, who had known Henley and quarrelled with him, and
Cashel Byron, Shaw got into correspondence with Henley.
Among the various literary and artistic Dulcineas whose cham-
pionship Henley mistook for criticism, was Mozart. Mr. Shaw
thus explained the situation to me:
" As I also knew Mozart's value, Henley induced me to write
articles on music for his paper, the Scots Observer, afterwards
the National Observer; and I did write some — not more than
half a dozen- — perhaps not so many. Henley was an impossible
editor. He had no idea of criticism except to glorify the mas-
ters he liked, and pursue their rivals with quixotic jealousy. To
appreciate Mozart without reviling Wagner was to Henley a
blank injustice to Mozart. Now, he knew I was what he called
a Wagnerite, and that I thought his objections to Wagner
vieux jeu, stupid, ignorant and common. Therefore he amused
himself by interpolating abuse of Wagner into my articles over
my signature. Naturally he lost his contributor; and it was
highly characteristic of him that he did not understand why
he could not get any more articles from me. At the same time
he made the National Observer an organ, politically and so-
cially, of the commonest sort of plutocratic and would-be aris-
tocratic Toryism, and clamoured in the usual forcible-feeble
way for the strong hand to ' put down ' the distress which
then — in the eighties — was threatening insurrection. For this
sort of thing I had no mercy. I did not object to tall talk
2U
THE ART CRITIC
about hanging myself and my friends who were trying to get
something done for the condition of the people ; but what moved
me to utter scorn was the association of the high republican
atmosphere of Byron, Shelley and Keats, and the gallantry
of Dumas pere — another idol of ours — with the most dastardly
class selfishness and political vulgarity. When Henley at last
pressed me very hard for another article, I wrote him in a per-
fectly friendly but frankly contemptuous strain, chaffing him
rather fiercely as the master of his fate, the captain of his soul,
with his head bloody but unbowed, and his hat always off
to the police and the upper classes." Shaw always believed
that, even then, Henley was simply puzzled, and thought Shaw
was only making a senseless literary display of smartness at
his expense.
Clearly Shaw was revolted by the atrocious vulgarity of Hen-
ley's politics as contrasted with the pretentiousness of his lit-
erary attitude. The defence of Henley after his death, to the
effect that he knew nothing of politics, and that he placed him-
self as to the politics of the paper in the hands of his friend
Charles Whibley, disarmed Shaw, as I have good reason to
know. For Shaw liked Whibley well enough, regarding him
as a clever fellow in literary matters, but quite impossible polit-
ically. Opinions similar to those quoted below may be found
in the only criticism Shaw ever wrote of Henley — a review of
his poems in the old Pall Mall Gazette under Mr. Stead's edi-
torship. The following quotation from a hitherto unpublished
letter to me vividly clarifies the whole matter by defining the
grounds of Shaw's criticism of Henley:
" Henley interested me as being what I call an Eliza-
bethan, by which I mean a man with an extraordinary and
imposing power of saying things, and with nothing what-
ever to say. The real disappointment about his much dis-
cussed article on Stevenson was not that he said spiteful
things about his former friend, but that he said nothing
at all about him that would not have been true of any man
in all the millions then alive. The world very foolishly
reproached him because he did not tell the usual epitaph
215
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
monger's lies about ' Franklin, my loyal friend.' But the
real tragedy about the business was that a man who had
known Stevenson intimately, and who was either a pene-
trating critic or nothing, had nothing better worth saying
about him than that he was occasionally stingy about
money and that when he passed a looking-glass he looked
at it. Which Stevenson's parlour-maid could have told as
well as Henley if she had been silly enough to suppose that
the average man is a generous sailor in a melodrama, and
totally incurious and unconscious as to his personal ap-
pearance. But it was always thus with Henley. He
could appreciate literature and enjoy criticism. He could
describe anything that was forced on his observation and
experience, from a tom-cat in an area to a hospital opera-
tion. Give him the thing to be expressed, and he could
find its expression wonderfully either in prose or verse.
But beyond that he could not go: the things he said — or
the things he wrote (I know nothing of his conversation) —
are always conventionalities, all the worse because they
are selected from the worst part of the great stock of
conventionalities — the conventional unconventionalisms.
He could discover and encourage talent, and was thus half
a good editor, but he could not keep friends with it ; and
so his papers finally fell through."
As in the case of his obituary notices of Sir Augustus Harris
and Sir Henry Irving, Shaw was accused of nothing short of
brutality in his attitude towards Henley, the Cashel Byronite
who had wished to see Shaw's novel dramatized. In the first
place, Henley admired Shaw, and it seemed ungenerous for
Shaw to repay him by a denial of the sort of talent he desired
to excel in. And in the second place, it seemed to Shaw's
detractors that it was doubly ungenerous of a man sound in
wind and limb to disparage a man who was physically a wreck,
fighting bravely against infirmity and pain. I was not sur-
prised to find, on inquiring of Mr. Shaw his real feelings and
attitude in the matter, that he regarded both these reasons as
absurd, sentimental and pointless.
216
THE ART CRITIC
" People have a strong feeling," Mr. Shaw explained, " that
if a man has lost his hearing or sight bravely in a noble cause
the world is thereby bound in decency to assume for ever after
that he had the eye of an eagle and the ear of a hare." He
continued, impressively : " I have never belittled a misfortune
in that way. Long ago, when a blind poet died, and certain
maudlin speeches of his were repeated in print as expressions
of the pathos of his darkened existence, I said, also in print,
that he always said these things when he was drunk, and that
the fact that he was blind may have added to the pity of them,
but did not give them any sort of validity.
" In the same way when, in the European revolutionary
movement, men came with horrible experiences of prison and
Siberian wanderings on them, and women whose husbands had
been hanged or committed suicide, I have always had to stand
out against the notion that they were the better instead of the
worse for their misfortunes, or that they derived any credit
or authority whatever from them. Give them the indulgence
due to enforced weakness or the help due to unavoidable dis-
tress ; but don't make them heroes and leaders ex-officio because
they have been unlucky enough to be lamed.
" And so, I have often conveyed to sentimental people an
impression of revolting callousness simply because I know that
suffering is suffering, and not merely the acquisition of a ro-
mantic halo. Henley's infirmities were to me trifles compared
to those which I had encountered in other cases; and in any
case, I was trained to look in the face the fact that infirmities
disable people instead of reinforcing them. People who learn
in suffering what they teach in song usually give very dan-
gerous lessons ; and I admire Henley for having no doctrine of
that sort. Besides, I have always abhorred the petty disloyal-
ties which men call sparing one another's feelings.
" To make an end of the matter," Mr. Shaw concluded,
" Henley, though a barren critic and poet, had enough talent
and character to command plenty of consideration. A man
cannot be everything. I am as fond of music as Henley was
of literature," he added, his grey-blue eyes twinkling brightly;
" but I am the worst of players, and have a very poor voice."
217
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
The opinion that Shaw's art during this period is less inter-
esting than his life does not necessarily involve any reflection
upon the value of his experience as an art critic in giving di-
rection and tendency to the subsequent course of his develop-
ment. Indeed Shaw has been mainly influenced by works of art
in his artificial culture: he has always been more consciously
susceptible to music and painting than to literature. It is no
idle assertion — one that Shaw is fond of repeating — that Mo-
zart and Michael Angelo count for a great deal in the making
of his mind. And, however paradoxical it may sound, the
English dramatists after Shakespeare are practically negligible
as concerning their influence in the development of his peculiar
and highly specialized dramatic genius. His close and familiar
daily intercourse with the music masters of the past ; his instant
recognition of Wagner's overwhelming greatness ; his rapturous
delight in that king of music-dramatists, Mozart; his dogged
attempts, alone and unaided, to master the difficulties of piano-
forte playing, which eventuated in his becoming a congenial,
sympathetic accompanist — all early marked him as a natural
and undiscouragedly persistent lover of music. His individual
studies of Italian art, in its history and its expression, while
he was still in his teens, his frequent visits to the Dublin Gal-
lery, the many hours passed in London at the priceless picture
galleries in Trafalgar Square and Hampton Court, testify with
equal force to his spontaneous preoccupation with the best that
has been thought and done in the world of art. It would
carry one too far afield to pursue the inquiry as to what in-
fluence Michael Angelo might possibly have exerted upon the
dramas of Bernard Shaw. But there can be little doubt that
what Shaw found to wonder at and glorify in Michael Angelo
was his passion for anatomy, his devotion to the studiously
realistic, and his unlimited mastery of form acquired through
" profound and patient interrogation of reality." Shaw, the
close, searching student of life, found untold inspiration in the
discovery of the genuinely naturalistic spirit in which Michael
Angelo worked! Words he once used in speaking to me of the
influence of Michael Angelo upon his art are very illuminative.
" I never shall forget climbing an enormously high, rickety
218
THE ART CRITIC
framework, in company with Anatole France," he remarked, " in
order to get a closer look at the Delphic Sibyl. We were close
enough to touch it with our hands; and I was surprised to
discover that, instead of losing, it gained impressiveness on
nearer view. The grand, set face made a tremendous impres-
sion upon me. For the first time, I fully realized that Michael
Angelo was a great artist, and a great man as well — because
his every subject is a person of genius. He never had a com-
monplace subject. His models are extraordinary people.
They are all Supermen and Superwomen.
" Michael Angelo, you see," he continued, " taught me this —
always to put people of genius into my works. I am always
setting a genius over against a commonplace person."
In the same spirit, Shaw praised Madox Brown as a realist,
" because he had vitality enough to find intense enjoyment in
the world as it really is, unbeautified, unidealized, untitivated
in any way for artistic consumption." The sad, sensuous day-
dreams of Rossetti, the gentlemanly draughtsmanship of Leigh-
ton, the whole romantic trend of English art, with its delicacy
of sentiment, its beauty-fancying, its reality-shirking philoso-
phy, found Shaw coldly, cruelly condemnatory. " Take the
young lady painted by Ingres as ' La Source,' for example.
Imagine having to make conversation for her for a couple of
hours." This gives the tone of his criticism. His deepest scorn
was aroused by that form of art which sets up " decorative
moral systems contrasting roseate and rapturous vice with
lilied and languorous virtue, making ' Love ' face both ways
as the universal softener and redeemer." The artist who sought
to depict life with perfect integrity — in Browning's phrase, " to
paint man man, whatever the issue " — the artist who sought to
express the veracity and reality of life rather than its imagined
beauty and poetry, found in Shaw an unhesitating champion.
This passion for unidealized reality was the outcome of long
and deliberate study of art works, concerning each of which
Shaw deliberately forced himself to form an intelligent and
conscious estimate. This was the solid residuum of his
studies, rescued from a ruck of sophistication. " I remember
once when I was an art critic/' wrote Shaw in 1897, " and
219
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
when Madox Brown's work was only known to me by a few
drawings, treating Mr. Frederick Shields to a critical demon-
stration of Madox Brown's deficiencies, pointing out in one of
the drawings the lack of ' beauty ' in some pair of elbows that
had more of the wash-tub than of ' The Toilet of Venus ' about
them. Mr. Shields contrived without any breach of good man-
ners to make it quite clear to me that he considered Madox
Brown a great painter and me a fool. I respected both con-
victions at the time ; and now I share them. Only, I plead in
extenuation of my folly that I had become so accustomed to
take it for granted that what every English painter was driv-
ing at was the sexual beautification and moral idealization of
life into something as unlike itself as possible, that it did not at
first occur to me that a painter could draw a plain woman for
any other reason than that he could not draw a pretty one." *
Shaw stood forth as a champion of all forms of art — pic-
torial, fictive and dramatic — which aim at realistic exposure
of the sheer facts of life without idealistic falsification and
romantic sublimation. He lauded Madox Brown, for example,
as he lauded Ibsen, and for the same reason: they both took
for their themes " not youth, beauty, morality, gentility and
prosperity as conceived by Mr. Smith of Brixton and Bays-
water, but real life taken as it is, with no more regard for poor
Smith's dreams and hypocrisies than the weather has for his
shiny silk hat when he forgets his umbrella." It is no matter
for surprise that the unshirking student of sociological condi-
tions should have chosen to write Widowers' Houses and Mrs.
Warren's Profession; it would have been astounding had he
not done so. And yet the catholicity of his taste in art en-
abled him to realize, not simply one aspect of English art, but
the real English art-culture of to-day. To Shaw, indeed, the
significance of the modern movement in England had its germ
in the growing sense of the " naive dignity and charm " of
thirteenth-century work, in a passionate affection for the ex-
quisite beauty of fifteenth-century art. " The whole rhetorical
* Madox Brown, Watts, and Ibsen. In the Saturday Review, March 13th,
1897.
THE ART CRITIC
school in English literature, from Shakespeare to Byron," he
once wrote, " appears to us in our present mood only another
side of the terrible degringolade from Michael Angelo to
Canova and Thorwaldsen, all of whose works would not now
tempt us to part with a single fragment by Donatello, or even
a pretty foundling baby by Delia Robbia." He maintained
that William Morris made himself the greatest living master
of the English language, both in prose and verse, by picking
up the tradition of the literary art where Chaucer left it ; that
Burne-Jones made himself the greatest among English deco-
rative painters by picking up the tradition of his art where
Lippi left it, and utterly ignoring " their Raphaels, Correggios
and stuff " ; and that Morris and Burne-Jones, close friends
and co-operators in many a masterpiece, form the highest aris-
tocracy of English art of our day.*
The only controversial question that came up during Shaw's
period as an art critic was raised by the Impressionists ; and
his reputation, with the select few, for consistency is sustained
by the course he adopted. He recognized Impressionism as a
new birth of energy in art, a movement in painting which was
wholly beneficial and progressive, and in no sense insane and
decadent. Despite the fact that the movement, like all new
movements in art, was accompanied by many absurdities — ex-
hibition of countless daubs, the practice of optical distortion,
the substitution of " canvases which looked like enlargements
of obscure photographs for the familiar portraits of masters
of the hounds in cheerfully unmistakable pink coats, mounted
on bright chestnut horses " — Shaw supported it vigorously be-
cause, " being the outcome of heightened attention and quick-
ened consciousness on the part of its disciples, it was evidently
destined to improve pictures greatly by substituting a natural,
observant, real style for a conventional, taken-for-granted,
ideal one." It is needless to say that Shaw did not fall into
the Philistine trap and talk " greenery yallery " nonsense about
Burne-Jones and the pre-Raphaelite school : his admiration was
checked by the sternest critical reservations. He applauded
* Cf. King Arthur. In the Saturday Review, January 19th, 1895.
221
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
the Impressionists for their busy study of the atmosphere, and
of the relation of light and dark between the various objects
depicted, i.e., of " values." Like Zola in his championship of
Monet, Shaw led a miniature crusade in behalf of Whistler,
whose pictures at first quite naturally amazed people accus-
tomed to see the " good north light " of a St. John's Wood
studio represented at exhibitions as sunlight in the open air —
for example, Bouguereau's " Girl in a Cornfield." More than
this need not be said: that Shaw never joined the ranks of tjie
moqueurs who called Mr. Whistler " Jimmy."
It is worthy of record that Shaw vigorously and ably cham-
pioned the Dutch school, earnestly advocating the claims of
James Maris as a great painter ; and he stood up for Van Uhde,
not only in defence of his pictures of Christ surrounded by
people in tall hats and frock coats, but also in favour of his
excellent painting of light in a dry, crisp, diffused way then
quite unfashionable. But his most signal art criticism of the
last decade, beyond question, has had to do with photography.
In 1901, he announced that " the conquest by photography of
the whole field of monochromatic representative art may be
regarded as completed by the work of this year." His posi-
tion is based on the dictum that " in photography, the draw-
ing counts for nothing, the thought and judgment count for
everything; whereas in the etching and daubing processes
where great manual skill is needed to produce anything that
the eye can endure, the execution counts for more than the
thought." This is no new or sudden notion, derived from the
study of some photographic exhibition, but the mature state-
ment of a judgment arrived at over a quarter of a century ago.
In An Unsocial Socialist, Trefusis astounds Erskine and Sir
Charles Brandon with those same remarkable views on photog-
raphy which to-day, in the mouth of Bernard Shaw, so delight
the patrons of the Photographic Salon.*
" It is more than twenty years since I first said in print
that nine-tenths (or ninety-nine hundredths, I forget
* Compare Photography, October 26th, 1909.
222
THE ART CRITIC
which) of what was then done by brush and pencil would
presently be done, and far better done, by the camera.
But it needed some imagination, as well as some hardihood,
to say this at that time . . . because the photographers
of that day were not artists. . . . Let us admit hand-
somely that some of the elder men had the root of the
matter in them as the younger men of to-day; but the
process did not then attract artists. . . . On the whole,
the process was not quite ready for the ordinary artist,
because (1) it could not touch colour or even give colours
their proper light values; (2) the Impressionist movement
had not then rediscovered and popularized the great range
of art that lies outside colour; (B) the eyes of artists had
been so long educated to accept the most grossly fictitious
conventions as truths of representation that many of the
truths of the focussing screen were at first repudiated as
grotesque falsehoods; (4) the wide-angled lens did in effect
lie almost as outrageously as a Royal Academician, whilst
the anastigmat was revoltingly prosaic, and the silver
print, though so exquisite that the best will, if they last,
be one day prized by collectors, was cloying, and only
suitable to a narrow range of subjects; (5) above all, the
vestries would cheerfully pay fifty pounds for a villainous
oil-painting of a hospitable chairman, whilst they consid-
ered a guinea a first-rate price for a dozen cabinets, and
two-pound-ten a noble bid for an enlargement, even when
the said enlargement had been manipulated so as to be
as nearly as possible as bad as the fifty pound painting.
But all that is changed nowadays. Mr. Whistler, in the
teeth of a storm of ignorant and silly ridicule, has forced
us to acquire a sense of tone, and has produced portraits
of almost photographic excellence; the camera has taught
us what we really saw as against what the draughtsman
used to show us ; and the telephoto lens and its adaptations,
with the isochromatic plate and screen, and the variety
and manageableness of modern printing processes, have
converted the intelligent artists, smashed the picture-
fancying critics, and produced exhibitions such as those
223
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
now open at the Dudley and New Galleries, which may
be visited by people who, like myself, have long since
given up as unendurable the follies and falsehoods, the
tricks, fakes, happy accidents, and desolating conventions
of the picture galleries. The artists have still left to
them invention, didactics, and (for a little while longer)
colour. But selection and representation, covering ninety-
nine-hundredths of our annual output of art, belong hence-
forth to photography. Someday the camera will do the
work of Velasquez and Peter de Hooghe, colour and all;
and then the draughtsmen and painters will be left to
cultivate the pious edifications of Raphael, Kaulbach,
Delaroche, and the designers of the S. P. C. K. But even
then they will photograph their models instead of draw-
ing them." *
In a paper Maurice Maeterlinck wrote for Mr. Alvin Lang-
don Coburn, who kindly gave me a copy, he charges art with
having held itself aloof from " the great movement which for
half a century has engrossed all forms of human activity in
profitably exploiting the natural forces that fill heaven and
earth." Maeterlinck lauds the camera as an instrument of
thought, proclaiming it the best of mediums, because it serves
" to portray objects and beings more quickly and more accu-
rately than can pencil or crayon." Just as Maeterlinck con-
cludes that thought has at last found a fissure through which
to penetrate the mystery of this anonymous force (the sun),
" invade it, subjugate it, animate it, and compel it to say such
things as have not yet been said in all the realm of chiaroscuro,
of grace, of beauty and of truth," so Shaw expresses his belief
that " the old game is up," and that " the camera has hope-
lessly beaten the pencil and paint-brush as an instrument of
artistic representation."
Shaw is a vigorous champion of the photographic art in its
integrity; attempts at imitation of etching or painting draw
his hottest fire. The idea of sensitive photographers allowing
* The Exhibitions— 1., by G. Bernard Shaw. In the Amateur Photog-
rapher, October 1st, 1901.
224
THE ART CRITIC
themselves to be bull-dozed into treating painting, not as an
obsolete makeshift which they have surpassed and superseded,
but as a glorious ideal to which they have to live up!!! One
day Mr. Shaw was showing me some striking examples of his
own photographic work — a remarkable picture of Sidney Webb,
I recall in especial, an effect got by omitting to do something
in taking the photograph. Mr. Shaw remarked that some of
the most unique and fantastic pictures he had ever taken were
the results of accidents. One day, for instance, he spilled some
boiling water over a photograph of himself, which immediately
converted it into so capital an imitation of the damaged parts
of Mantegna's frescoes in Mantua that the print delighted him
more in its ruin than it had in its original sanity. And, in
view of his violently-expressed detestation of photographic imi-
tation of painting, it is very refreshing to hear him confess
that his own experience as a critic and picture fancier had
sophisticated him so thoroughly, that " those accidental imita-
tions of the products of the old butter-fingered methods of
picture-making often fascinate me so that I have to put forth
all my strength of mind to resist the temptation to become a
systematic forger of damaged frescoes and Gothic caricatures."
Mr. Shaw was harshly ridiculed and sharply censured for
permitting the exhibition in 1906 of a nude photograph of
himself by Alvin Langdon Coburn. In this connection, I recall
a conversation with fiduard J. Steichen, who was showing me
a collection of his masterly prints, including several nudes.
The faces of the nude figures were averted; and Steichen told
me, with a laugh, that Shaw had ridiculed him unmercifully
for permitting his subjects to call attention to their embarrass-
ment and shame by averting their faces. And in 1901, Mr.
Shaw wrote:
" The camera will not build up the human figure into a
monumental fiction as Michael Angelo did, or coil it cun-
ningly into a decorative one, as Burne-Jones did. But it
will draw it as it is, in the clearest purity or the softest
mystery, as no draughtsman can or ever could. And by
the seriousness of its veracity it will make the slightest
225
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
lubricity intolerable. ' Nudes from the Paris Salon ' pass
the moral octroi because they justify their rank as ' high
art ' by the acute boredom into which they plunge the
spectator. Their cheap and vulgar appeal is nullified by
the vapid unreality of their representation. Photography
is so truthful — its subjects are so obviously realities, and
not idle fancies — that dignity is imposed on it as effectu-
ally as it is on a church congregation. Unfortunately, so
is that false decency, rightly detested by artists, which
teaches people to be ashamed of their bodies; and I am
sorry to see that the photographic life school still shirks
the faces of its sitters, and thus gives them a disagreeable
air of doing something they are ashamed of." *
One morning in Paris, during the period that Shaw was sit-
ting to Rodin, Coburn, with his camera, caught Shaw coming
out of his morning bath; whereupon he laughingly bade Shaw
to " be still and look pleasant." " I casually assumed, as near
as I could recall it," Mr. Shaw told me, " the pose of Rodin's
' Le Penseur.9 It was all done in a moment, and although I am
not like ' Le Penseur,' at least my pose is not unlike his." Mr.
Shaw permitted the photograph to be put on exhibition as an
object-lesson, so to speak, to the photographic life school; as
Steichen expressed it to me : " I believe Mr. Shaw wanted to
show the courage of his convictions, by publicly taking the
medicine he so unhesitatingly prescribed for others."
It is needless to point out that Bernard Shaw, the analytic
critic and clear thinker par excellence, would naturally prefer
photography to painting. When away from London he is sel-
dom to be seen without a camera slung over his shoulders ; and
he has been taking pictures, and dabbling away at interesting
photographic experiments, for many years. Without talent as
an artist himself, but with almost a passion for photography,
we need not be surprised to hear him praise the photographer
because he is free of " that clumsy tool — the human hand —
which will always go its own single way, and no other."
* The Exhibitions — II., in the Amateur Photographer, October 18th, 1901.
226
THE ART CRITIC
Steichen and Coburn, he has told me and he has told them, are
the two greatest photographers in the world; and he once said
to me of Coburn : " Whenever his work does not please you,
watch and pray for a while and you will find that your opinion
will change." *
To Shaw the true conquest of colour no longer seems far off
in the light of Lumiere's discoveries, and the day will soon come,
he surmises, when work like that of Hals and Velasquez may be
done by men who have never painted anything except their own
nails with pyro. " As to the painters and their fanciers, I
snort defiance at them; their day of daubs is over." He once
declared for two photographs of himself against anything of
Holbein, Rembrandt, or Velasquez. " When I compare their
subtle diversity with the monotonous inaccuracy and infirmity
of drawings, I marvel at the gross absence of analytic power
and of imagination which still sets up the works of the great
painters, defects and all, as standard, instead of picking out
the qualities they achieved and the possibilities they revealed,
in spite of the barbarous crudity of their methods." There are
certain quite definite things the photographer has not yet
achieved: Shaw's imagination as a creative dramatist teaches
him this, even though he insists that the decisive quality in a
photographer is the " faculty of seeing certain things and be-
ing tempted by them." Oscar Wilde acutely remarked that in
certain modern portraits — Sargent's, notably, I should say —
there is often as much of the artist as of the subject. Ber-
nard Shaw insists that in the pictorial and dramatic phases
of the photographic art of the future, both the artist and the
subject must be imaginative artists, working in conjunction.
" As to the creative, dramatic, story-telling painters — Car-
paccio, and Mantegna, and the miraculous Hogarth, for ex-
ample— it is clear that photography can do their work only
through a co-operation of sitter and camerist which assimilates
the relations of artist and model to those at present existing
between playwright and actor. Indeed, just as the playwright
is sometimes only a very humble employee of the actor or
* Compare Shaw's article, Coburn the Camerist, in the Metropolitan
Magazine, May, 1906.
227
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
actress manager, it is conceivable that in dramatic and didactic
photography the predominant partner will not be necessarily
either the photographer or the model, but simply whichever
of the twain contributes the rarest art to the co-operation.
Already that instinctive animal, the public, goes into a shop
and says : ' Have you any photographs of Mrs. Patrick Camp-
bell ? ' and not ' Have you any photographs by Elliott and Fry,
Downey, etc., etc.?' The Salon is altering this, and photo-
graphs are becoming known as Demachys, Holland Days,
Horsley Hintons, and so forth, as who should say Greuzes,
Hoppners and Linnells. But, then, the Salon has not yet
touched the art of Hogarth. When it does, 6 The Rake's Prog-
ress ' will evidently depend as much on the genius of the rake
as of the moralist who squeezes the bulb, and then we shall see
what we shall see."
228
THE MUSIC CRITIC
"CORNO DI BASSETTO" AND "G. B. S."
" Don't be in a hurry to contradict G. B. S., as he never commits himself
on a musical subject until he knows at least six times as much about it as
you do."— Music. In the World, January 18th, 1893.
CHAPTER VIII
IN 1888 a gentleman described in the World at that time as
" a Chinese statesman named Tay Pay," * founded the
Star, claiming for it the distinction of the first and only half-
penny paper, and ignoring the Echo, which early succumbed to
the treatment. On the recommendation of Mr. H. W. Massing-
ham, Shaw was placed on the editorial staff as leader writer,
on the second day of the paper's existence. At that time the
Fabian Society had just invented the municipal modification of
Socialism called Progressivism ; and the sole object of Shaw,
then a " moderate and constitutional, but strenuous Socialist,"
in joining the Star was to foist this new invention upon it as
the latest thing in Liberalism. Here Shaw's " impossibilism "
broke out worse than ever ; and Mr. O'Connor, an Irishman too,
and a skilled journalist in the bargain, was not to be taken in.
He refused to print the articles. " Then the Fabian Society
ordered all its members to write to the Star," records Shaw,
" expressing indignant surprise at the lukewarmness of its
Liberalism and the reactionary and obsolete character of its
views. This was more successful ; the paper became Progressive,
and London rose so promptly to the new programme, that the
first County Council election was fought and won on it. The
Liberal leaders remonstrated almost daily with T. P., being
utterly bewildered by what was to them a most dangerous
heresy. But the Star articles became more and more Pro-
gressive, then ultra-Progressive, then positively Jacobin; and
the further they went the better London liked them. They were
not, I beg to say, written by me, but by Mr. H. W.
Massingham." t
* Mr. T. P. O'Connor.
fin speaking of his first appearance as a journalistic writer — in a "Lon-
don Letter," written, at the age of fifteen, for a well-known journal in
Scarborough — Max Beerbohm once wrote (the Saturday Review, January
231
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
While the Fabians were thus engaged in " collaring the Star
by this stage army stratagem," Shaw, to the utter consterna-
tion of the Chinese statesman, was writing political leaders for
which the country was not ripe by about five hundred years,
according to the political computation of the eighties. Too
good-natured to do his duty and put Shaw out summarily, Tay
Pay, in desperation, proposed that Shaw should have a column
to himself, to be headed " Music," and to be " coloured by occa-
sional allusions to that art." It was with a gasp of relief that
he heard Shaw's acceptance of the proposition; and so a new
career opened for Shaw as " Corno di Bassetto," * a " person
now forgotten, but I flatter myself, very popular for a couple
of years in the Star."
Among Shaw's colleagues on the Star at this time were
Clement K. Shorter and Richard Le Gallienne. A. B. Walk-
ley, the distinguished dramatic critic of the London Times, was
then the " Star man " in the theatres, and although he was
more fastidious and dignified than the incorrigible " Bassetto,"
he was quite as amusing. " I am far from denying that a man
of genius may make even a newspaper notice of the Royal
Academy or of a s Monday Pop.' permanently valuable and
delightful," Mr. Archer once said ; " all I maintain is that it
assuredly takes a man of genius to do so. Mr. Bernard Shaw
. . . has to my thinking a peculiar genius for bringing day-
by-day musical criticism into vital relation with aesthetics at
large, and even with ethics and politics — in a word, with
life. ..." According to his subsequent confession, " The
26th, 1901): "I well remember that the first paragraph I wrote was in
reference to the first number of the Star, which had just been published.
Mr. T. P. O'Connor, in his editorial prommciamento, had been hotly philan-
thropic. * If,' he had written, * we enable the charwoman to put two lumps
of sugar in her tea instead of one, then we shall not have worked in vain.'
My comment on this was that if Mr. O'Connor were to find that char-
women did not take sugar in their tea, his paper would, presumably, cease
to be issued. ... I quote it merely to show that I, who am still regarded
as a young writer, am exactly connate with Mr. Shaw. For it was in this
very number of the Star that Mr. Shaw, as * Corno di Bassetto,' made his
first bow to the public." This latter statement, although inaccurate, is
essentially correct.
* The name of a musical instrument which went out of use in Mozart's
time.
232
By pet-mission of~\
[the: Artistrand "Vanity Fair."
"Magnetic, he has the power to infect almost everyone with the delight that
he takes in himself." (Mr. George Bernard Shaw.)
A Cartoon. By Max Beerbohm.
[Facing p. 230
THE MUSIC CRITIC
Star's own captious critic," as Shaw was denominated at the
time, used the word music in a platonically comprehensive
sense; for he wrote about anything and everything that came
into his head. He once spoke of his column in the Star, signed
" Corno di Bassetto," as " a mixture of triviality, vulgarity,
farce and tomfoolery with genuine criticism." George Henry
Lewes' style, as Mr. Archer has shrewdly observed,* reminds
one of that of " Corno di Bassetto " ; but the dramatic essays
of Lewes, Shaw freely confesses, are miles beyond the crudities
of Di Bassetto, although the combination of a laborious criti-
cism with a recklessly flippant manner is the same in both. In-
deed, Shaw's column in the Star was perhaps the most startling
evidence of the insurgency and iconoclasm of the New Jour-
nalism as represented by the Star, its foremost exponent.
Imagine a column a week in the sprightly vein of the fol-
lowing :
" I warn others that Offenbach's music is wicked. It is
abandoned stuff: every accent in it is a snap of the fingers
in the face of moral responsibility, every ripple and
sparkle on its surface twits me for my teetotalism, and
mocks at the early rising which I fully intend to make a
habit of some day. ... In Mr. Cellier's scores, music is
still the chastest of the muses. In Offenbach's she is —
what shall I say? — I am ashamed of her. I no longer
wonder that the Germans came to Paris and suppressed
her with fire and thunder. Here in England how respect-
able she is ! Virtuous and rustically innocent her six-eight
measures are, even when Dorothy sings, ' Come, fill up
your glass to the brim ' ! She learned her morals from
Handel, her ladylike manners from Mendelssohn, her sen-
timent from the ' Bailiff's Daughter of Islington.' But
listen to her in Paris, with Offenbach. Talk of six-eight
time : why, she stumbles at the second quaver, only to race
off again in a wild Bacchanalian, Saturnalian, petticoat
spurning, irreclaimable, shocking quadrille."
* In his introduction to the Dramatic Essays of John Forster and George
Henry Lewes.
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
No more accurate characterization of the work of Di Bas-
setto can be conceived than is to be found in Shaw's own con-
fession. He secured the privileges he usurped, he says, in two
ways : first, by taking care that " Corno di Bassetto " should
always be amusing; and, secondly, by using a considerable
knowledge of music, which nobody suspected him of possessing,
to provide a solid substratum of genuine criticism for the mass
of outrageous levities and ridiculous irrelevancies which were
the dramatic characteristics of " Bassetto." " I daresay these
articles would seem shabby, vulgar, cheap, silly, vapid
enough if they were dug up and exposed to the twentieth cen-
tury light ; but in those days, and in the context of the topics
of that time, they were sufficiently amusing to serve their
turn." *
It will be recalled that Shaw, from his early childhood, had
been in close contact with the best that had been thought, felt,
and written in music. It was his practice as a boy to whistle
to himself the operatic themes he heard continually practised
at his home, precisely as a street gamin whistles the latest piece
of " rag-time." He was introduced to Wagner's music for
the first time by hearing a second-rate military band play an
arrangement of the Tanrihauser march. He thought it a rather
commonplace plagiarism from the famous theme in Der
Freischiltz. This boyish impression was exactly the same as
that recorded of the mature Berlioz, who was to Shaw at that
time the merest shadow of a name which he had read once or
twice. Shaw learned his notes at the age of sixteen; and al-
though for a long time thereafter he inflicted untold suffering
on his neighbours, he became in time quite a good accompanist.
In the early days in London, when he was not laboriously writ-
ing five pages a day on one of his novels, Shaw occasionally
tried his hand at musical composition, at writing and setting
words to music. I have before me now a folded sheet of pink
paper, dated " 23d of June, 1883," in Shaw's fine handwriting,
on which he had written music for one of Shelley's poems, Ros-
setti edition, Vol. III., p. 107. On the inside of the folded
* In the Days of Our Youth. In the Star, February 19th, 1906.
234
THE MUSIC CRITIC
sheet, in Shaw's hand, is copied the poem, headed Lines,
beginning :
"When the lamp is shattered,
The light in the dust lies dead;
When the cloud is scattered,
The rainbow's glory is shed;
"When the lute is broken,
Sweet notes are remembered not;
When the lips have spoken,
Loved accents are soon forgot"
Shaw was deeply interested in a study of Wagner's music, and
took great pains in studying Wagner's methods of composi-
tion. I have seen Shaw's musical notes made during this
period — sheets of stiff paper on which he had written out the
musical scores of the various distinct leit motifs in the Wag-
nerian operas — the Ring motive, the Rheingold motive, etc.,
etc. — with fine marginal stenographic notes in the Pitman sys-
tem. He once made quite a study of counterpoint; and, as
we learned in an earlier chapter, acquired a grounding in
" Temperament " through his acquaintance with his friend,
James Lecky. When Mr. O'Connor transferred Shaw from
the editorial staff to the post of musical critic for the Star,
believing that he could do no great harm there, his wisdom was
justified by the result. All his experience in writing and criti-
cism on the Star, combined with his early knowledge of music,
filled Shaw's hands with weapons. And when Louis Engel, the
" best hated musical critic in Europe," as Shaw calls him, found
it necessary to give up his position as musical critic of the
World, his post fell to " Corno di Bassetto."
At the time when Shaw first entered the lists as a musical
critic, he was possessed of the strongest convictions on the sub-
ject of music, musicians, and true musical genius. In Love
Among the Artists Shaw has given expression to his decided
views concerning the pedantry of the academic schools, the
absurd jargon of conventional musical criticism, and the
vacuity and inconsequence of all music, based on method alone,
which does not come into being through unaffected enthusiasm
for art, and the sincere effort towards the complete realization
235
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
of personality. The musical criticism which takes the analysis
of "Bach in B minor" as1 its point of departure is there held
up to unmeasured scorn. It seems something more than a
coincidence that the avoidance of this very subject, with all
its implications, should have been the condition on which Shaw
began his career as a critic of music. In connection with his
appointment as musical critic of the Star, Shaw relates this
story of Mr. O'Connor : " He placed himself in my hands with
one reservation only. ' Say what you like,' he said ; ' but for —
(here I omit a pathetic Oriental adjuration) — don't tell us
anything about Bach in B minor.' It was a bold speech, con-
sidering the superstitious terror in which the man who has
the abracadabra of musical technology at his fingers' end holds
the uninitiated editor; but it conveyed a golden rule." Shaw
was in perfect accord with the editor in the belief that " Bach
in B minor " is not good criticism, not good sense, not inter-
esting to the general readers, not useful to the student. He
fulfilled his part of the contract far more completely than the
" Chinese statesman " had any right to expect. Not only did
Shaw not tell us anything about " Bach in B minor " : he spent
six years of his life in holding the practice up to ridicule and
contempt !
Bernard Shaw brought his critical faculty to bear upon music
in England during the period when the academic faction held
full sway. There was a large reserve of native musical talent
in England at this time, but it found nothing like full scope for
its development, largely because of the commercial pandering
to popular taste. The so-called masters of contemporary
music in England were all reared on the methodology of the
schools. Dr. Mackenzie, the Principal of the Royal Academy
of Music, was probably the leader of the academic faction.
Sir George Grove, author of that standard work, the Diction-
ary of Musicians, was an honoured figure in the world of music.
Dr. Hubert Parry, at the height of his creative activity, was
writing and occasionally conducting his oratorios, such as Job
and Judith. These and other earlier works of his — notably,
L9 Allegro ed it Pensieroso and Prometheus — Shaw took the ut-
most pleasure in declaring to be " without any merit whatso-
236
THE MUSIC CRITIC
ever," or " the most conspicuous failures," despite their fine
feeling, their scrupulous moderation, and other pleasant and
perfectly true irrelevancies. At the Albert Hall, Sir Joseph
Barnby, Principal of the Royal Choral Society, in his measured
and complacent style, was leading those huge, lumbering choirs
which are still the pride of Great Britain. Villiers Stanford,
that Irish professor ever trifling in a world of ideas, was writ-
ing his Eden, and other works, which entitled him to a high
place in the councils of academicism. Goring Thomas, for his
Golden Web, and other operas, had already attained a posi-
tion as a dramatic composer, which, according to Shaw, at
least, " placed the production of an opera of his beyond all
suspicion as a legitimate artistic enterprise." Arnold Dol-
metsch, that rarely fine interpreter of ancient music, was
giving those unique viol concerts in the hall of Barnard's Inn
and elsewhere which charmed Arthur Symons yesterday as they
charmed Bernard Shaw long ago. Gilbert and Sullivan had
once more joined forces in Utopia, scoring another operatic
triumph, somewhat less decisive and conspicuous, it must be
confessed, than Pinafore, The Mikado and The Pirates of
Penzance, Cowen was winning encomiums as a conductor, and
Sterndale Bennett was still a name to conjure with. To the
many, Wagner, like Ibsen, was still an offensive impostor. But
Ashton Ellis's exhaustive task of translating Wagner's works
was slowly proceeding; and Armbruster, that Bayreuth exten-
sion lecturer, so to speak, aided by Shaw in the Star and in the
World, was paving the way for a more general comprehension
and appreciation of Wagner in England. Paderewski was
slowly mounting to the position of the foremost living pianist,
and Patti had begun to give her " Farewell Concerts."
In musical criticism, as in all other phases of his strangely
diversified career, Shaw is essentially a revolutionary. His at-
tack upon Parry's Job, so he always maintained, threatened to
call forth a great national protest! He fought for Wagner
with the same revolutionary enthusiasm which enlisted him in
the cause of Ibsen — and Shaw. He had no tolerance for any-
thing traditional, not even for traditional versions of old airs,
for the simple reason that they were always inaccurate. So
237
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
jealous was he of his critical sense, for fear of its prostitution
by irrelevant beauty or factitious romance, that he steadfastly
steeled himself against that subtlest of all forces in undermin-
ing critical integrity — personal magnetism.
Perhaps the simplest way to arrive at a comprehension of
Shaw, the critic of music, is by taking account of his tastes and
aversions. For example, Shaw usually viewed Paderewski's
performances, at the time when the Polish pianist was first
creating such sensations in England, as brutal contests between
the piano and the pianist to settle the question of the survival
of the fittest. The following description of his sensations on
hearing Paderewski is not without its reminder of that once
popular piece de recitation, How Ruby Played* " The con-
certo was over, the audience in wild enthusiasm, and the piano
a wreck. Regarded as an immensely spirited young harmoni-
ous blacksmith, who puts a concerto on the piano as upon an
anvil, and hammers it out with an exuberant enjoyment of the
swing and strength of the proceeding, Paderewski is at least
exhilarating ; and his hammer play is not without variety, some
of it being feathery, if not delicate. But his touch, light or
heavy, is the touch that hurts; and the glory of his playing
is the glory that attends murder on a large scale when im-
petuously done." Three years later, in 1893, Shaw has reached
the conclusion that Paderewski is a weak, a second-hand com-
poser, but an artist whose genuine creative achievements have
assured him the title of the greatest of living pianists. " I
had rather see Paderewski in his next composition for or-
chestra drop the piano altogether," Shaw said. " It is the
one instrument he does not understand as a composer, exactly
because he understands it so well as an executant."
For David Bispham Shaw had the sincerest admiration, and
the De Reszkes won his praise because, as he explained it,
they sang like dignified men, instead of like male viragoes in
the dramatic Italian style. He made a point of insisting, how-
ever, that Edouard de Reszke occasionally abused his power by
" wilful bawling " for the mere fun of making a thundering
*The reference is to Rubinstein.
238
THE MUSIC CRITIC
noise. On hearing Gerster in 1890, he was sufficiently charmed
to say : u The old artistic feeling remained so unspoiled and
vivid that, if here and there a doubt crossed me whether the
notes were all reaching the furthest half-crown seat as tell-
ingly as they came to my front stall, I ignored it for the sake
of the charm which neither singer nor opera (The Huguenots)
has lost for me." Of a concert given in 1893 by " our still
adored Patti," whom he calls " now the most accomplished of
mezzo-sopranos," he gives the following description:
"It always amuses me to see that vast audience (at
Albert Hall) from the squares and villas listening with
moist eyes whilst the opulent lady from the celebrated
Welsh castle fervently sings : ' Oh, give me my lowly
thatched cottage again.' The concert was a huge success :
there were bouquets, raptures, effusions, kissings of chil-
dren, graceful sharings of the applause with obbligato
players — in short, the usual exhibition of the British
bourgeoisie in the part of Bottom and the prima donna
in the part of Titania. Patti hazarded none of her old
exploits as a florid soprano with an exceptional range:
her most arduous achievement was * Ah, fors e lui* so
liberally transposed that the highest notes in the rapid
traits were almost all sharp, the artist having been accus-
tomed for so many years to sing them at a higher pitch.
Time has transposed Patti a minor third down, but the
middle of her voice is still even and beautiful; and this
with her unsurpassed phrasing and that delicate touch
and expressive nuance which make her cantabile singing
so captivating, enables her to maintain what was, to my
mind, always the best part of her old supremacy." *
Of that brilliant executant Essipoff, the wife of Leschetizky,
Shaw said that if it were possible to believe that she cared two
straws about what she played, she would be one of the great-
est executive musicians of Europe. Hollman was, on the whole
* Music, signed G. B. S., in the World, June 7th, 1893.
239
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
and without any exception, in Shaw's opinion, the greatest
violoncellist he had ever heard. Joachim's fineness of tone,
perfect dignity of style, and fitness of phrasing impressed Shaw
as truly magnificent; and when he heard him play Bach's
" Chaconne in D minor," he confessed that he came as near
as he ever came to calling anything done by mortal artist per-
fect. Ysaye, that other master-violinist, moved Shaw as much
as he moved Symons by the perfectly harmonious blending of
his every faculty. Shaw smilingly reminded all readers of the
screed of G. B. S. that " Decidedly, if Ysaye only perseveres
in playing splendidly to us for twenty-five years more or so,
it will dawn on us at last that he is one of the greatest of living
artists; and then he may play how he pleases until he turns
ninety without the least risk of ever hearing a word of dis-
paragement or faint praise."
In Shaw's view, Mozart is the ideal, the supreme composer.
Again and again, throughout his works, Shaw has lavished upon
Mozart the finely-tempered praise of the clear-eyed devotee.
The critical rating of a composer is overwhelmingly impressive
when it is supported by the avowal of personal indebtedness;
and Shaw has frequently asserted that Mozart has influenced
his dramatic works more than any English dramatist since
Shakespeare. I remember discussing Mozart with Mr. Shaw
one day; and I took occasion to express my scepticism as to
the possibility of any profound influence exerted by Mozart
the composer upon Shaw the dramatist. " In a certain sense,
Mozart must always have been a model for me," replied Mr.
Shaw. " Throughout the entire period of my career as a
critic of music, I always thought and wrote of Mozart as a
master of masters. The dream of a musician is to have the
technique of Mozart. It was not his c divine melodies ' but his
perfect technique that profoundly influenced me. What a
great thing to be a dramatist for dramatists, just as Mozart
was a composer for composers! First, and above all things
else, Mozart was a master to masters"
The second part of Faust impressed Shaw as the summit of
Schumann's achievement in dramatic music; and he was very
ready to admit that Schumann had at least one gift which has
240
THE MUSIC CRITIC
now come to rank very high among the qualifications of a com-
poser for the stage : a strong feeling for harmony as a means of
emotional expression. He always found Brahms to be insuf-
ferably tedious when he tried to be profound, but delightful
when he merely tried to be pleasant and naively sentimental.
" Euphuism, which is the beginning and end of Brahms' big
works," Shaw remarks in connection with the " Symphony in
E minor," " is more to my taste in music than in literature.
Brahms takes an essentially commonplace theme; gives it a
strange air by dressing it in the most elaborate and far-fetched
harmonies; keeps his countenance severely (which at once con-
vinces an English audience that he must have a great deal in
him) ; and finds that a good many wiseacres are ready to guar-
antee him as deep as Wagner, and the true heir of Beethoven."
Dvorak, Bohemia's most eminent creative musician, famed alike
for an inexhaustible wealth of melodic invention and a rich
variety of colouring, is stamped by Shaw as a romantic com-
poser, and only that. His " Requiem " Shaw found utterly
tedious and mechanical, while his " Symphony in G " is " very
nearly up to the level of a Rossini overture, and would make
excellent promenade music at the summer fetes." The an-
nouncement of a Mass by Dvorak affected Shaw very much as
would the announcement of a " Divine Comedy " in ever so
many cantos by Robert Louis Stevenson! He regarded Verdi
as the greatest of living dramatic composers ; and years before
Shaw began writing musical criticism, when Von Biilow and
others were contemptuously repudiating Verdi, Shaw was able
to discern in him a man possessing more power than he knew
how to use, or, indeed, was permitted to use by the old operatic
forms imposed on him by circumstances.*
For the solemnly manufactured operas of Saint Saens, Shaw
felt not mere distaste, but genuine contempt. As soon, in fact,
as he discovered the sort of thing that a French composer
dreams of as the summit of operatic achievement, his artistic
sympathy with Paris was cut off at the main. Early in his
career, he solemnly announces, he gave up Paris as impossible
* In this connection compare Shaw's article : A Word More about Verdi,
in the Anglo-Saxon Review, Vol. VIII., March, 1901.
241
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
from the artistic point of view ! His characterization of French
music is nothing short of Heinesque.
" London I do not so much mind. Your average Lon-
doner is, no doubt, as void of feeling for the fine arts as
a man can be without collapsing bodily; but, then, he is
not at all ashamed of his condition. On the contrary, he
is rather proud of it, and never feels obliged to pretend
that he is an artist to the tips of his fingers. His pre-
tences are confined to piety and politics, in both of which
he is an unspeakable impostor. It is your Parisian who
concentrates his ignorance and hypocrisy, not on politics
and religion, but on art. In this unwholesome state of
self-consciousness he demands statues and pictures and
operas in all directions, long before any appetite for
beauty has set his eyes or ears aching; so that he at once
becomes the prey of pedants who undertake to supply him
with classical works, and swaggerers who set up in the
romantic department. Hence, as the Parisian, like other
people, likes to enjoy himself, and as pure pedantry is
tedious and pure swaggering tiresome, what Paris chiefly
loves is a genius who can make the classic voluptuous and
the romantic amusing. And so, though you cannot walk
through Paris without coming at every corner upon some
fountain or trophy or monument for which the only pos-
sible remedy is dynamite, you can always count upon the
design including a female figure free from the defect known
to photographers as under-exposure; and if you go to
the opera — which is, happily, an easily avoidable fate —
you may wonder at the expensive trifling that passes as
musical poetry and drama, but you will be compelled to
admit that the composer has moments, carried as far as
academic propriety admits, in which he rises from sham
history and tragedy to genuine polka and barcarolle;
whilst there is, to boot, always one happy half-hour when
the opera-singers vanish, and capable, thoroughly trained,
hard-working, technically skilled executants entertain you
with a ballet. Of course the ballet, like everything else in
242
THE MUSIC CRITIC
Paris, is a provincial survival, fifty years behind English
time; but still it is generally complete and well done by
people who understand ballet, whereas the opera is gen-
erally mutilated and ill done by people who don't under-
stand opera."
Is it any wonder, then, that the " tinpot stage history " of
Saint Saens was the bane of Shaw's existence and the abomi-
nation of his critical sense? Or that Offenbach's music struck
him as wicked, abandoned stuff? And of Meyerbeer, then still
regarded in Paris as a sort of Michael Angelo, he says : " If
you try to form a critical scheme of the development of Eng-
lish poetry from Pope to Walt Whitman, you cannot by any
stretch of ingenuity make a place in it for Thomas Moore,
who is accordingly either ignored in such schemes or else con-
temptuously dismissed as a flowery trifler. In the same way,
you cannot get Meyerbeer into the Wagnerian scheme except
as the Autolycus of the piece."
The most significant feature of Shaw's career as a musical
critic was his championship of Wagner. Although he had an
exalted admiration for Wagner, he was no hero-worshipper, nor
in the least degree blind to the defects of Wagner as a com-
poser who failed to preserve philosophic continuity and co-
herence in his greatest dramatic achievement. The similarity
of tastes in music between Wagner and Shaw is a very notice-
able feature of the " C. di B." and " G. B. S." criticisms. It
was to be expected that Shaw the dramatist would admire Wag-
ner for composing music designed to heighten the expression
of human emotion; he realized fully that such music was in-
tensely affecting in the presence of that emotion, and utter
nonsense apart from it. Like Wagner, Shaw had a deep love
for Beethoven, an intense admiration for Mozart, and a sincere
appreciation of the Mendelssohn of the Scotch symphony. And
he likewise shared Wagner's sovereign contempt for the efforts
of Schumann and Brahms to be " profound."
A German would laugh at the notion that Wagner required
any " championing " during the years from 1888 to 1894
inclusive, since the Bayreuth performances began in 1876. The
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
chief novelty in Shaw's Wagner criticisms was his attack on
Bayreuth for the various old-fashioned absurdities perpetrated
there — the inadequacy of mise en scene, the ridiculous un-
naturalness and inappropriateness of scenery and dress, and
the retention in leading parts of " beer-barrels of singers "
who did not know how to sing. The result of Shaw's first visit,
in 1889, was an article on Bayreuth for the English Illustrated
Magazine; a later visit produced an illustrated article in the
Pall Mall Budget. Besides this, both visits were reported day
by day by Shaw in the Star, over his signature, " Corno di
Bassetto," or " C. di B." Up to that time, in Shaw's opinion,
Bayreuth criticism had been either worship or blasphemy. " I
threw off all this, and criticized performances of Wagner's
works at Bayreuth precisely as I should have criticized per-
formances of Wagner's works at Covent Garden. The effect
on pious Wagnerians was as though I had brawled in
church."
In his relation of musical critic in England, Shaw took the
greatest pains to ascertain the exact bearings of the contro-
versy which had raged round Wagner's music-dramas since the
middle of the century. The six years of Shaw's activity as a
musical critic fell within the decade of Sir Augustus Harris's
greatest operatic enterprises. Shaw spent a large part of his
time in making onslaught after onslaught on the " spurious
artistic prestige " of Covent Garden. For some seasons he was
forced to pay for his own stall; and there were times, Shaw
says, when " I was warned that my criticisms were being col-
lated by legal experts for the purpose of proving ' prejudice '
against me, and crushing me by mulcting my editor in fabu-
lous sums. . . . The World proved equal to the occasion in
the conflict with Covent Garden, and, finally, my invitations
to the opera were renewed; the impresario made my personal
acquaintance, and maintained the pleasantest relations with me
from that time onward. . . ." It is true that Jean de Reszke
made his first appearance on any stage on July 13th, 1889,
as the hero of Die Meister singer; but it infuriated Sir Augus-
tus Harris to be publicly reminded by Shaw that Tristan and
Isolde, having been composed in 1859, was perhaps a little
244
THE MUSIC CRITIC
overdue. Indeed, it was not until 1896 that Tristcm and Isolde
at last made its way into the repertory of Royal Italian Opera
in England. Shaw exhausted himself, in the columns of the
World, in " apparently hopeless attempts to shame the De Resz-
kes out of their perpetual Faust and Mephistopheles, Romeo and
Laurent, and in pooh-poohed declarations that there were such
works in existence as Die Walkiire and Tristan. It was not Sir
Augustus Harris who roused Jean de Reszke from his long
lethargy, but his own artistic conscience and the shock of
Vandyk's brilliant success in Massenet's Manon" And when
Shaw's successor on the World, on the occasion of the death
of Sir Augustus Harris in 1896, declared that the great im-
presario laboured to cast aside the fatuous conventions of the
Italian school, and to adopt all that was best in the German
stage, Shaw was provoked into a crushing reply. " Sancta
simplicitas! " he exclaimed. " The truth is that he fought
obstinately for the Italian fatuities against the German re-
forms. He was saturated with the obsolete operatic traditions
of the days of Tietjens, whose Semiramide and Lucrezia he
admired as great tragic impersonations. He described Das
Rheingold as 6 a damned pantomime ' ; he persisted for years
in putting Tannhauser on the stage with Venusberg effects that
would have disgraced a Whitechapel Road gaff, with the
twelve horns on the stage replaced by a military band behind
the scenes, and with Rotten Row trappings on the horses. . . .
It was only in the last few years that he began to learn some-
thing from Calve and the young Italian school, from Wagner,
from Massenet and Bruneau, and from Verdi's latest works.
In opera, unfortunately, he was soaked in tradition, and kept
London a quarter of a century behind New York and
Berlin — down almost to the level of Paris — in dramatic
music.
» *
It happens that Shaw's squarest and solidest contributions
to Wagnerian criticism were written after his career as musical
critic ceased. At the request of Mr. Benjamin Tucker, editor
of Liberty, a journal of Philosophic Anarchy, published in
* De Mortuis, signed G. B. S., in the Saturday Review, July 4th, 1896.
245
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
New York, Shaw wrote a reply to Max Nordau's Degeneration,
which was then (1895) making a great impression on the
American mind. This reply, entitled A Degenerate's View of
Nordau, was published in a double copy of Liberty, especially
printed to make room for it ; Mr. Tucker sent a copy to every
paper in America; and, as Shaw avers, Nordau's book has
never been heard of in an American paper since. It was un-
doubtedly a great piece of journalism in those days for Mr.
Tucker to pick out the right man — as Shaw unquestionably
was — for that stupendous task; and Shaw still takes an un-
holy joy in showing how Tucker the crank was able to beat
all the big fashionable editors at their own game. Besides
being largely imported in England, the article did Shaw a
great private service. For when William Morris read it, he
at once threw off all reserve in talking to Shaw about modern
art, and treated him thenceforth as a man who knew enough
to understand what might be said to him on that subject. The
article contained, among many other equally able things, an
eminently sane and intelligible treatment of the development
of modern music, and its relation to Wagner. Mr. Huneker,
who regards this as Shaw's finest piece of controversial work,
rightly declared that it completely swept Nordau from the
field of discussion.*
The other piece of Wagnerian criticism by which Shaw is
best known was the subject of a letter Shaw once wrote to the
* In the letter Mr. Tucker wrote to Mr. Shaw at Easter, 1895, Shaw
once told me, he said that he knew Shaw was the only man in the world
capable of tackling Nordau on his various fields of music, literature, paint-
ing, etc.: "He said that if I would find out the highest figure ever paid
by, say, the Nineteenth Century for a single article to any writer, not ex-
cluding Gladstone or any other eminent man, he would pay me that sum
for a review of * Degeneration ' for his little paper. This, mind you, from
a man who was publishing a paper at his own expense, without a chance of
making anything out of it, and with a considerable chance of finding him-
self in prison some day for telling the truth about American institutions.
Mr. Tucker probably worked double shifts and ate half meals for the next
two or three years to pay off what the adventure cost him." This essay,
somewhat amplified, was recently (February, 1908) published in America
by Benjamin R. Tucker, N. Y. — in England by the New Age Press, Lon-
don— under the title, The Sanity of Art: on Exposure of the Current
Nonsense about Artists being Degenerate.
246
Bernard Partridge. Courtesy of the Artist.
AHENOBARBUS AT REHEARSAL.
Reproduced from the original water-color, drawn from memory, in 1894.
THE MUSIC CRITIC
editor of the 'Academy (October 15th, 1895) : " I see you have
been announcing a book by me entitled, ' The Complete Wag-
nerite,' " writes Shaw. " This is an error ; you are thinking
of an author named Izaak Walton. The book, which is a work
of great merit, even for me, is called, ' The Perfect Wag-
nerite,' and is an exposition of the philosophy of Der Ring des
Nibelungen. It is a G. B. eSsence of modern Anarchism, or
Neo-Protestantism. This lucid description speaks for itself.
As it has been written on what the whole medical faculty and
all the bystanders declare to be my death-bed, it is naturally
rather a book of devotion than one of those vain brilliancies
which I was wont to give off in the days of my health and
strength. — P. S. I have just sprained my ankle in trying to
master the art of bicycling on one foot. This, with two opera-
tions and a fall downstairs, involving a broken arm, is my
season's record so far, leaving me in excellent general condi-
tion. And yet they tell me a vegetarian can't recuperate ! "
In this commentary to what had already been written by
" musicians who are no revolutionists, and revolutionists who
are no musicians," Shaw reads into Wagner far more Social-
ism than he had ever read into Ibsen. He took pains to base
his interpretation upon the facts of Wagner's life — his connec-
tion with the revolution of 1848, his association with August
Roeckel and Michael Bakounin, his later pamphlets on social
evolution, religion, life, art, and the influence of riches — rather
than upon his recorded utterances in regard to the specific
meanings of the " Ring " music-dramas. It is not difficult
to recognize, with Shaw, the portraiture of our capitalistic
industrial system from the Socialist point of view in the slav-
ery of the Niblungs and the tyranny of Alberich: but little
significance attaches to such cheap symbolism. It is more
difficult to identify the young Siegfried with the anarchist
Bakounin on the strength of the latter's notorious pamphlet
demanding the demolition of existing institutions. To the Ring
of the Niblimgs, Shaw has, so to speak, applied the Ibsenic-
Nietzschean-Shavian philosophy as a unit of measure, and
found it to apply at many points. Siegfried is a " totally un-
moral person, a born Anarchist, the ideal of Bakounin, an
247
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
anticipation of the 6 overman ' of Nietzsche " — a Germanized
Dick Dudgeon or a Teutonic Prometheus. Whenever the phi-
losophy of the " Ring " diverges from the Shavian philosophy,
Wagner was " wandering in his mind." Whenever his own
explanations do not agree with the idee fixe of Shaw, they only
prove, as was once claimed by Shaw in the case of Ibsen, that
Wagner was far less intellectually conscious of his purpose
than Shaw. As an exposition of the Shavian philosophy, the
book is worthy of note; as an exposition of the Wagnerian
philosophy, it is unconvincing. The book is exceedingly in-
genious and in places, brilliant; but it is the work of an ideo-
logue and an a-priorist.
One final word in regard to Shaw's position as a champion
of Wagner. While it is of little importance now, still Wagner
and anti-Wagner was the great controversy of that time in
music until anti-Wagnerism finally became ridiculous in the
face of Wagner's overwhelming popularity. In the same way,
Ibsen and anti-Ibsen was the great controversy in drama in
London after 1889. In both instances, the whirligig of time
has brought round its revenges. For some years, even before
his death, Ibsen stood unchallenged as the premier dramatist
of the age. And now that Wagner's battle is won and over-
won, Shaw has the profound gratification of seeing " the pro-
fessors, to avert the ridicule of their pupils, compelled to
explain (quite truly) that Wagner's technical procedure in
music is almost pedantically logical and grammatical; that
the Lohengrin prelude is a masterpiece of the ' form ' proper to
its aim ; and that his disregard of 4 false relations,' and his free
use of the most extreme discords without ' preparation,' were
straight and sensible instances of that natural development of
harmony which has proceeded continually from the time when
common six-four chords were considered ' wrong,' and such
free use of unprepared dominant sevenths and minor ninths as
had become common in Mozart's time would have seemed the
maddest cacophony." And in a letter to me, Mr. Shaw said
(July 15th, 1905) : " I was on the right side in both instances:
that is all. According to the Daily Chronicle, Wagner and
Ibsen were offensive impostors. As a matter of fact, they
243
THE MUSIC CRITIC
were the greatest living masters in their respective arts; and
I knew that quite well. The critics of the nineteenth century-
had two first-rate chances — Ibsen and Wagner. For the most
part they missed both. Second best they could recognize; but
best was beyond them." *
Mr. Shaw's most recent incursion into the field of music
criticism was occasioned by a criticism of Richard Strauss'
Elektra, at the time of its first production in England in
March, 1910, from the pen of the well-known critic of music,
Mr. Ernest Newman. The vigorous controversy between Mr.
Shaw and Mr. Newman that ensued was, of course, quite in-
conclusive, so far as erecting any absolute standards by which
Strauss' greatness as a dramatic composer might be judged.
But it evoked from Mr. Shaw an outburst of enthusiasm un-
paralleled in his career as a critic of music:
" What Hofmannsthal and Strauss have done is to take
Clytemnestra and Aegistheus, and by identifying them
with everything that is evil and cruel, with all that needs
must hate the highest when it sees it, with hideous domi-
nation and coercion of the higher by the baser, with the
murderous rage in which the lust for a lifetime of orgi-
astic pleasure turns on its slaves in the torture of its
disappointment and the sleepless horror and misery of its
neurasthenia, to so rouse in us an overwhelming flood of
wrath against it and ruthless resolution to destroy it, that
Elektra's vengeance becomes holy to us; and we come to
understand how even the gentlest of us could wield the
axe of Orestes or twist our firm fingers in the black hair
of Clytemnestra to drag back her head and leave her
throat open to the stroke.
" That was a task hardly possible to an ancient Greek.
* Is Shaw, the anti-romantic, consistent in championing Wagner, the
head and front of European romanticism? Shaw, the individualist, recog-
nized that Wagner was a great creative force in art; that was sufficient
cause for his championship. It may be interesting in this connection to
consult Julius Bab's acute analysis of Shaw's Wagnerism: Bernard Shaw
(S. Fischer, Berlin), pp. 210-214.
849
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
. . . And that is the task which Hofmannsthal has achieved.
Not even in the third scene of Das Rheingold, or in the
Klingsor scenes in Parsifal, is there such an atmosphere
of malignant and cancerous evil as we get here. And that
the power with which it is done is not the power of the
evil itself, but of the passion that detests and must and
finally can destroy that evil, is what makes the work
great, and makes us rejoice in its horror. . . .
" That the power of conceiving it should occur in the
same individual as the technical skill and natural faculty
needed to achieve its complete and overwhelming expres-
sion in music, is a stroke of the rarest good fortune that
can befall a generation of men. I have often said, when
asked to state the case against the fools and money-
changers who are trying to drive us into a war with Ger-
many, that the case consists of the single word, Beethoven.
To-day, I should say with equal confidence, Strauss.
That we should make war on Strauss and the heroic war-
fare and aspiration that he represents is treason to hu-
manity. In this music-drama Strauss has done for us
just what he has done for his own countrymen: he has
said for us, with an utterly satisfying force, what all the
noblest powers of life within us are clamouring to have
said, in protest against and defiance of the omnipresent
villainies of our civilization; and this is the highest
achievement of the highest art." *
So often was Shaw mocked by scepticism concerning his
talent and by imperviousness to his mood, that he sometimes
actually went to the length of tagging one of his Irish bulls
with the explanatory parenthesis ("I speak as an Irishman ").
If the larger public ever gains a just understanding of Shaw,
it will be because they have found this central and directing
clue: he speaks as an Irishman. The right to say in jest what
is meant in earnest is a right the average Englishman denies;
he agrees with Victor Hugo that " every man has a right to be
* The ' Elektra ' of Strauss and Hofmannsthal. A letter to the editor of
the Nation (London), March 19th, 1910.
250
w -
O c
O «
THE MUSIC CRITIC
a fool, but he should not abuse that right." M. Faguet has
recently said of Sainte Beuve that he was guided by one of the
finest professional consciences the world of literature has ever
known. Early in his career, Shaw succeeded in imparting to
his readers the conviction that his glaring deficiency was the
total lack of a professional conscience. Shaw was preoccu-
pied with the exposition of the eternal comedy. He is that
hitherto unknown phenomenon in the history of musical criti-
cism— a musical critic who charged his critical weapon with
genuine comic force. The conviction has probably come to
every musical critic in some moment of self-distrust that his
effort to catch and imprison in written words the elusive spirit
of music is, after all, only a more or less humorous subterfuge.
In this respect Shaw differs from every other musical critic who
ever lived: instead of feeling his criticism to be merely a hu-
morous subterfuge, he actually believed it to be a comically
veracious impression of reality.
No view of Shaw's unique attitude as a critic has yet been
obtained that is not one-sided, false, or — what is far worse —
misleading. The absurdly simple truth is that Shaw always
aimed at saying, in the most forcible and witty way possible,
exactly what he thought and felt, however absurd, unnatural,
or comic these criticisms might sound to the " poor, silly, sim-
ple public." To the feelings of other musical critics, to the
prejudices of the dry academic schools, or even to the con-
sensus of opinion, crystallized through the lapse of years, he
paid no heed whatsoever. He did not feel himself bound by
the traditions of any journal, by any obligations, fancied or
real, to operatic managers, or by the predilections of his
audience. In fact, to put it in a homely way, he was " his own
man," feeling free to express his opinions exactly as he chose.
And it is perhaps no exaggeration to say that, since 1885, the
whole spirit of English criticism, personified in Walkley,
Archer and Shaw — an Englishman of French descent, a
Scotchman, and an Irishman — has been a spirit of forthright-
ness, outspoken frankness and unblushing sincerity.
In the matter of individual style, Shaw occupies an abso-
lutely unique position in English literature. He occupied a
251
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
more unusual terrain than had ever been occupied before. Con-
cerning the subjects in which he claimed to be thoroughly
versed, he gaily announced himself as an authority. With an
air of grandiose condescension, he once confessed that he might
be mistaken : " Even I am not infallible — that is, not always."
He really meant that he was. " Let it be remembered, that I
am a superior person," he characteristically says, " and that
what seemed incoherent and wearisome fooling to me may have
seemed an exhilarating pastime to others. My heart knows
only its own bitterness; and I do not desire to intermeddle
with the joys of those among whom I am a stranger. I assert
my intellectual superiority — that is all." He was ever sub-
limely conscious of his own supreme dialectical and critical
skill. " Some day I must write a supplement to Schumann's
' Advice to Young Musicians.' The title will be ' Advice to
Old Musicians ' ; and the first precept will run, ' Don't be in
a hurry to contradict G. B. S., as he never commits himself on
a musical subject until he knows at least six times as much
about it as you do.' " If he had been matched in argument
with the greatest living critic of the arts — and he was fre-
quently matched against the greatest English critics — he would
doubtless have said to him, in the language of the apochryphal
anecdote : " All the world's mad save thee and me, John. And
sometimes I think thee's a little mad too."
Behind all this " infernal blague " lurks the real critic,
whose chief conviction is that " Bach in B minor " is not fit
subject for enjoyment or criticism. "I would not be misun-
derstood," Mr. Shaw remarked to me one day, " in regard to
my position about analysis! and ' analytic criticism.' The
analytic criticism I mercilessly condemn is the sort of criticism
of Hamlet's soliloquy that reads : ' It is highly significant, in
the first place, that Hamlet begins his soliloquy with the in-
finitive of the verb " To be," etc., etc' Far from minimizing
the function of analysis sanely and appropriately employed
in criticism, I attribute my superiority as a critic to my supe-
riority in the faculty of analysis." The inevitable reaction
from " absolute music " was the dramatic expression of indi-
viduality, e.g., Wagner. The inevitable reaction from " ana-
THE MUSIC CRITIC
lytic criticism " is the critical expression of individuality, e.g.,
Shaw. He never hunted out false relations, consecutive fifths
and sevenths, the first subject, the second subject, the working
out, and all the rest of " the childishness that could be taught
to a poodle." His supreme effort was to get away from a
discussion of the technology of music to the nuances of the
music itself, the source of its inspiration, the spirit of its
genius. If Shaw should find Wagner an offensive charlatan
and his themes cacophonous strings of notes, he would frankly
say so, without making any effort to 'prove him so by laying
down the first principles of character and composition, and
showing that his conduct and his works are incompatible with
these principles. The expert, in Shaw's view, should merely
give you his personal opinion for what it is worth. Shaw
protested against the whole academic system in England, and
declared himself its open enemy. " This unhappy country
would be as prolific of musical as of literary composers were
it not for our schools of music, where they seize the young
musician, turn his attention forcibly away from the artistic
element in his art, and make him morbidly conscious of its
mechanical conditions, especially the obsolete ones, until he
at last becomes, not a composer, but an adept in a horribly
dull sort of chess played with lines and dots, each player hav-
ing different notions of what the right rules are, and playing
his game so as to flourish his view under the noses of those
who differ from him. Then he offers his insufferable gambits
to the public as music, and is outraged because I criticize it as
music and not as chess."
Shaw made the most persistent effort to encourage
the employment of the vernacular in music, as well as
in criticism of music. An arrant commonplace, made out
of the most hackneyed commonplace in modern music,
pleased him more than all the Tenterden Street special-
ties. " I cry ' Professor ' whenever I find a forced avoid-
ance of the vernacular in music under the impression that it
is vulgar. . . . Your men who really can write, your Dickenses,
Ruskins and Carlyles, and their like, are vernacular above all
things : they cling to the locutions which everyday use has made
253
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
a part of our common life. The professors may ask me
whether I seriously invite them to make their music out of the
commonplaces of the comic song writer? I reply, unabashed,
that I do."
With the deepest fervour, he continued to preach the doc-
trine of spontaneity and naturalness. " Why hesitate to per-
petrate the final outrage of letting loose your individuality,
and saying just what you think in your own way as agreeably
and frankly as you can? " His own aim was to reach that
truly terrible fellow, the average man — " the plain man who
wants a plain answer." If he can only awake the attention
of the man in the street and, by expressing himself frankly in
everyday language, the quotidian commerce of thought, occa-
sionally even in the vernacular of the street, make clear to that
man the appeal that music makes to a critic acutely sensitive
to the subtler implications of its highest forms, Shaw is per-
fectly satisfied with himself and his performance. Accordingly,
he aimed, primarily, to make an exact record of the sensations
induced by a certain piece of music, or a certain performer,
Don Juan or De Reszke, Letty Lind or The Pirates of Pen-
zance. He made no effort whatsoever to control the current
of his humour. He allowed it to play as lightly about Patti,
as uproariously about Paderewski, as derisively about Vieux-
temps as his inclination directed. The most solemn symphony
excited his risibility to the explosion point, and the latest Mass
suggested seaside promenades instead of the life of the world
to come.
Shaw's efforts to free musical criticism from the blighting
effects of academicism, his advocacy of the free expression of
individuality, and his insistence upon the return to nature, both
in music and in criticism, brought upon him the scorn and
contempt that is always the meed of the would-be reformer.
The French public looked up to Francisque Sarcey with a sort
of filial veneration, and affectionately dubbed him " uncle."
The English public sneered at Shaw's brilliant attacks upon
their favourites and their idols, and looked down upon him,
not as a reasonable human being, but, as Shaw expressed it, as
a mere Aunt Sally. Not only did the critics and the public
254>
THE MUSIC CRITIC
laugh at his revolutionary zeal, but they regarded him as an
amusing incompetent, availing himself of his abundant gift
of humour to supply the deficiency of any knowledge of music
or of the possession of the faintest critical sense. Analytic
criticism was revered, while the individual and impressionistic
style of Shaw was immoderately enjoyed as the tricky device
of a colossal humbug. Shaw fought against misrepresentation
and prejudice with unabated vigour, continually confounding
his critics with some unanswerable argument that logically re-
duced their attacks to nothingness. By apt examples, he often
revealed the absurdities of analytic criticism in literature, once
confronting his critics with the startling query : " I want to
know whether it is just that a literary critic should be for-
bidden to make his living in this way on pain of being inter-
viewed by two doctors and a magistrate, and haled off to
Bedlam forthwith; whilst the more a musical critic does it, the
deeper the veneration he inspires. By systematically neglect-
ing it I have lost caste as a critic even in the eyes of those who
hail my abstinence with the greatest relief; and I should be
tempted to eke out these columns in the MesOpotamian manner
if I were not the slave of a commercial necessity and a vulgar
ambition to have my articles read, this being the main reason
why I write them, and the secret of the constant ' straining
after effect ' observable in my style."
Perhaps the most enlightening evidence as to Shaw's posi-
tion as a critic of music is contained in his recital of an amus-
ing incident. One day, it seems, a certain young man, whose
curiosity overswayed his natural modesty, approached Shaw on
the subject of the G. B. S. column in the World. " At last he
came to his point with a rush by desperately risking the ques-
tion: 'Excuse me, Mr. G. B. S., but do you know anything
about music? The fact is, I am not capable of forming an
opinion myself; but Dr. Blank says you don't, and — er — Dr.
Blank is such a great authority that one hardly knows what
to think.' Now this question put me into a difficulty, because
I had already learnt by experience that the reason my writings
on music and musicians are so highly appreciated is that they
255
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
are supposed by many of my greatest admirers to be a huge
joke, the point of which lies in the fact that I am totally
ignorant of music, and that my character of critic is an ex-
quisitely ingenious piece of acting, undertaken to gratify my
love of mystification and paradox. From this point of view
every one of my articles appears as a fine stroke of comedy,
occasionally broadening into a harlequinade, in which I am
the clown, and Dr. Blank the policeman. At first I did not
realize this, and could not understand the air of utter disil-
lusion and loss of interest in me that would come over people
in whose houses I incautiously betrayed some scrap of ama-
teurish enlightenment. But the naive exclamation, ' Oh ! you
do know something about it, then ! ' at last became familiar
to me ; and I now take particular care not to expose my knowl-
edge. When people hand me a sheet of instrumental music, and
ask my opinion of it, I carefully hold it upside down, and
pretend to study it in that position with the eye of an expert.
They invite me to try their new grand piano, I attempt to open
it at the wrong end; and when the young lady of the house
informs me that she is practising the 'cello, I innocently ask
her whether the mouthpiece did not cut her lips dreadfully at
first. This line of conduct gives enormous satisfaction, in
which I share to a rather greater extent than is generally
supposed. But, after all, the people whom I take in thus are
only amateurs. To place my impostorship beyond question, I
require to be certified as such by authorities like our Bachelors
and Doctors of Music — gentlemen who can write a ' Nunc
Dimittis ' in five real parts, and know the difference between
a tonal fugue and a real one, and can tell you how old Monte-
verde was on his thirtieth birthday, and have views as to the
true root of the discord of the seventh on the supertonic, and
devoutly believe that si contra fa diabolus est. But I have
only to present myself to them in the character of a man who
has been through these dreary games without ever discovering
the remotest vital connection between them and the art of
music — a state of mind so inconceivable by them — to make
them exclaim:
256
THE MUSIC CRITIC
"* Preposterous ass! that never read so far
To know the cause why music was ordained,'
and give me the desired testimonials at once. And so I manage
to scrape along without falling under suspicion of being an
honest man.
" However, since mystification is not likely to advance us in
the long run, may I suggest that there must be something
wrong in the professional tests which have been successfully
applied to Handel, to Mozart, to Beethoven, to Wagner, and
last, though not least, to me, with the result in every case of
our condemnation as ignoramuses and charlatans. Why is it
that when Dr. Blank writes about music, nobody but a pro-
fessional musician can understand him; whereas the man-in-
the-street, if fond of art and capable of music, can understand
the writings of Mendelssohn, Wagner, Liszt, Berlioz, or any
of the composers? Why, again, is it that my colleague, W. A.,
for instance, in criticizing Mr. Henry Arthur Jones' play the
other day, did not parse all the leading sentences in it? I will
not be so merciless as to answer these questions now, though
I know the solution, and am capable of giving it if provoked
beyond endurance. Let it suffice for the moment that writing
is a very difficult art, criticism a very difficult process, and
music not easily to be distinguished, without special critical
training, from the scientific, technical and professional condi-
tions of its performance, composition and teaching. And if the
critic is to please the congregation, who wants to read only
about the music, it is plain that he must appear quite beside
the point to the organ-blower, who wants to read about his
bellows, which he can prove to be the true source of all the
harmony." *
* Music, in the World, February 18th, 1893.
257
THE DRAMATIC CRITIC
Mac
Beth.
Oth
Ello.
Comedy of Er
Rors.
Merchant of Ve
Nice.
Coriol
Anus.
Midsummer Night's D
Ream.
Merry Wives of Win
Dsor.
Measure for Mea
Sure.
Much Ado about Not
Hing.
Antony and Cleop
Atra.
All's Well that Ends
Well.*
*The conclusive cryptographic proof that Bernard Shaw wrote the
plays usually attributed to Shakespeare — discovered by Mr. S. T. James,
of Leeds.
CHAPTER IX
WHEN the history of the last quarter of the nineteenth
century comes to be written, it will be seen that the
name of Bernard Shaw is inextricably linked with five epoch-
making movements of our contemporary era. The Collectivist
movement in politics, ethics and sociology; the Ibsen-Nietz-
schean movement in morals ; the reaction against the material-
ism of Marx and Darwin; the Wagnerian movement in music;
and the anti-romantic movement in literature and art — these
are the main currents of modern thought for which Shaw has
unfalteringly sought to open a passage into modern con-
sciousness.
On the death of Mr. Edmund Yates, the editor of the World,
in 1894, Shaw gave up his " labour of Hercules " as music
critic of that paper, and was succeeded by Mr. Robert Hichens.
By this time Shaw had only one more critical continent to con-
quer ; but he wanted the right editor, he has told us — " one with
the virtues of Yates — and some of his faults as well, perhaps."
On Mr. Frank Harris's revival of the Saturday Review, it was
matter for no surprise that the author of The Quintessence of
Ibsenism and of four plays besides, should have been offered the
post of dramatic critic on that magazine. Shaw did not begin
his career as an actor, as is sometimes stated; he never was
on the stage, nor ever dreamt of going on it. He has taken
part in a copyrighting performance, and once acted at some
theatricals, got up for the benefit of an old workman member
of the " International," with Edward Aveling, Eleanor Marx,
May Morris, and Sidney Pardon, all amateurs; and imper-
sonated a photographer at William Morris's house at one of
the soirees of the Socialist League. But there is not the re-
motest foundation for the statement that he began his career
as an actor. Although Shaw had written a number of plays,
he realized that dramatic authorship no more constitutes a
man a critic than actorship constitutes him a dramatic author ;
261
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
but he rightly judged that a dramatic critic learns as much
from having been a dramatic author as Shakespeare or Pinero
from having been actors. It was his chief distinction to have
touched life at many points ; unlike many contemporary dra-
matic critics, he had not specialized to such an extent as to
lose his character as man and citizen, and become a mere play-
goer. " My real aim," he asserted in reference to his work on
the Saturday Review, " is to widen the horizon of the critic,
especially of the dramatic critic, whose habit at present is to
bring a large experience of stage life to bear on a scanty
experience of real life, although it is certain that all really
fruitful criticism of the drama must bring a wide and prac-
tical knowledge of real life to bear on the stage."
Jowett's characterization of Disraeli as " a curious combina-
tion of the Arch-Priest of Humbug and a great man," has a
certain appropriateness for Bernard Shaw. That fictitious
personage known as G. B. S. is Shaw's most remarkable crea-
tion. With characteristic daring, his very first article broke
the sacred tradition of anonymity, inviolate till then in the
conservative columns of the Saturday Review. With the innate
instinct of the journalist, he devoted himself to sedulous self-
advertisement, creating a traditionary character unrivalled in
conceit, in cleverness, and in iconoclastic effrontery. Charged
with being conceited, he replied : " No, I am not really a con-
ceited man: if you had been through all that I have been
through, and done all the things I have done, you would be
ten times as conceited. It's only a pose, to prevent the Eng-
lish people from seeing that I am serious. If they did, they
would make me drink the hemlock." Do not make the mistake
of concluding, from this confession, that Shaw was merely a
ghastly little celebrity posing in a vacuum. If " New lamps
for old " is the cry of this ultra-modern fakir, " Remember
Aladdin " is the warning of the suspicious populace. Shaw's
chief claim for consideration is not merely that he has spent
his life in crying down the futility and uselessness of the old
lamps, but that with equal earnestness he has advertised the
merits of the new. Nowhere is this more clearly shown than in
his attitude towards Shakespeare and Ibsen.
262
THE DRAMATIC CRITIC
Shaw's incorrigible practice of " blaming the Bard," pub-
licly inaugurated in the Saturday Review, is no mere antic in
which he indulges for the fun of the thing, but as inevitable
an outcome of his philosophy as is his championship of Ibsen.
His inability to see a masterpiece in every play of Shake-
speare's arises largely from the fact that he knows his
Shakespeare as he knows his Bunyan, his Dickens, his Ibsen.
It is flying in the face of fact to aver that a man who knew
his Shakespeare from cover to cover by the time he was twenty
does not like or admire Shakespeare. " I am fond," says
Shaw, " unaffectedly fond, of Shakespeare's plays." He looks
back upon those delightful evenings at the New Shakespeare
Society, under F. J. Furnival, with the most unfeigned pleas-
ure. A careful perusal of his score or more articles on Shake-
speare in the Saturday Review shows that he has not only
studied Shakespeare consistently, and periodically interpreted
him from a definite point of view, but that he always fought
persistently for the performance of his plays in their integ-
rity. And although he has by no means taken advantage of
all his opportunities, yet he has managed to see between
twenty and thirty of Shakespeare's plays performed on the
stage.
When Shaw first read Mr. Henry Arthur Jones's words:
" Surely the crowning glory of our nation is our Shakespeare ;
and remember he was one of a great school," he almost burst,
as he put it, with the intensity of his repudiation of the second
clause in that utterance. Against the first clause he had noth-
ing to say; but the Elizabethans Shaw has always regarded
chiefly as " shallow literary persons, drunk with words, and
seeking in crude stories of lust and crime an excuse for that
wildest of all excitements, the excitement of imaginative self-
expression by words." Mr. Shaw once defined an Elizabethan
as " a man with an extraordinary and imposing power of say-
ing things, and with nothing whatever to say." Indeed, it was
not to be expected that the arch-foe of Romance, in modern art
and modern life, would be edified with the imaginative and
romantic violence of the Elizabethans. Nothing less than a
close and, so to speak, biologic study of humanity in the nude
263
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
can satisfy one who avers that Romance is the root of modern
pessimism and the bane of modern self-respect.
To call the Elizabethans imaginative amounted with Shaw
to the same thing as saying that, artistically, they had de-
lirium tremens. The true Elizabethan he found to be a
" blank-verse beast, itching to frighten other people with the
superstitious terrors and cruelties in which he does not himself
believe, and wallowing in blood, violence, muscularity of ex;
pression and strenuous animal passion as only literary men do
when they become thoroughly depraved by solitary work,
sedentary cowardice, and starvation of the sympathetic cen-
tres." He passes them in review, calling them a crew of de-
humanized specialists in blank verse! Webster, a Tussaud
laureate; Chapman, with his sublime balderdash; Marlowe, the
pothouse brawler, with his clumsy horse-play, his butcherly
rant, and the resourceless tum-tum of his " mighty line." Even
in this dust-heap, Shaw managed to find some merit and va-
riety. Was not Greene really amusing, Marston spirited and
" silly-clever," Cyril Tourneur able to string together lines of
which any couple picked out and quoted separately might pass
as a fragment of a real organic poem? Though a brutish
pedant, Jonson was not heartless; Marlowe often charged his
blank-verse with genuine colour and romance ; while Beaumont
and Fletcher, although possessing no depth, no conviction, no
religious or philosophic basis, were none the less dainty ro-
mantic poets, and really humorous character-sketchers in
Shakespeare's popular style. " Unfortunately, Shakespeare
dropped into the middle of these ruffianly pedants (the Eliza-
bethans) ; and since there was no other shop than theirs to
serve his apprenticeship in, he had perforce to become an
Elizabethan too.
" In such a school of falsehood, bloody-mindedness, bom-
bast, and intellectual cheapness, his natural standard was in-
evitably dragged down, as we know to our cost ; but the degree
to which he dragged their standard up has saved them from
oblivion." Indeed, Shakespeare, enthused by his interest in the
art of acting and by his desire to " educate the public," tried
to make that public accept genuine studies of life and character
264
THE DRAMATIC CRITIC
in, for instance, Measure for Measure and AIVs Well that Ends
Well, But the public would have none of them (traditionary
evidence, be it noted), "preferring a fantastic sugar doll like
Rosalind to such serious and dignified studies of women as
Isabella and Helena."
Shakespeare had discovered that " the only thing that paid
in the theatre was romantic nonsense, and that when he was
forced by this to produce one of the most effective samples of
romantic nonsense in existence — a feat which he performed
easily and well — he publicly disclaimed any responsibility for
its pleasant and cheap falsehood by borrowing the story and
throwing it in the face of the public with the phrase ' As You
Like It.9 " Despite Mr. Chesterton's assertion that Shaw has
read an ironic snub into the title, and that after all it was only
a sort of hilarious bosh, Shaw still maintains, as he did fifteen
years ago, that when Shakespeare used that phrase he meant
exactly what he said, and that the phrase : " What You Will,"
which he applied to Twelfth Night, meaning " Call it what you
please," is not, in Shakespearean or any other English, the
equivalent of the perfectly unambiguous and penetratingly sim-
ple phrase : " As You Like It."
Shakespeare's popularity, Shaw would have us believe, was
due to a deliberate pandering to the public taste for " romantic
nonsense." Shaw holds that Shakespeare's supreme power lies
in his " enormous command of word-music, which gives fascina-
tion to his most blackguardly repartees and sublimity to his
hollowest platitudes, besides raising to the highest force all
his gifts as an observer, an imitator of personal mannerisms
and characteristics, a humorist and a story-teller." No mat-
ter how poor, coarse, cheap and obvious may be the thought
in Much Ado about Nothing, for example, the mood is charm-
ing and the music of the words expresses the mood, transporting
you into another, an enchanted world.
" When a flower-girl tells a coster to hold his j aw, for
nobody is listening to him, and he retorts : 4 Oh, you're there,
are you, you beauty ? ' they reproduce the wit of Beatrice and
Benedick exactly. But put it this way : ' I wonder that you
will still be talking, Signor Benedick: nobody marks you.'
265
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
< What ! my dear Lady Disdain, are you yet living? ' You are
miles away from costerland at once." In other words, Shaw
insists that a nightingale's love is no higher than a cat's, except
that the nightingale is the better musician!
" It is not easy to knock this into the public head, be-
cause comparatively few of Shakespeare's admirers are
at all conscious that they are listening to music as they
hear his phrases turn and his lines fall so fascinatingly
and memorably; whilst we all, no matter how stupid we
are, can understand his jokes and platitudes, and are
flattered when we are told of the subtlety of the wit we
have relished, and the profundity of the thought we have
fathomed. Englishmen are specially susceptible to this
sort of flattery, because intellectual subtlety is not their
strong point. In dealing with them you must make them
believe that you are appealing to their brains, when you
are really appealing to their senses and feelings. With
Frenchmen the case is reversed: you must make them be-
lieve that you are appealing to their senses and feelings
when you are really appealing to their brains. The Eng-
lishman, slave to every sentimental ideal and dupe of every
sensuous art, will have it that his great national poet is
a thinker. The Frenchman, enslaved and duped only by
systems and calculations, insists on his hero being a senti-
mentalist and artist. That is why Shakespeare is esteemed
a master-mind in England, and wondered at as a clumsy
barbarian in France." *
Shaw is as far from Taine on the one side as he is from
Swinburne on the other — " as far this side bardolatry as John-
son or Mr. Frank Harris." To the idolatrous and insensate
worship of Shakespeare which got on Ben Jonson's nerves,
which Lamb brought back into fashion, and which has gone
to blasphemy and sacrilege in the mouth of Swinburne, Shaw,
like Byron before him, declined to subscribe. And for the very
* Shakespeare's * Merry Gentlemen/ in the Saturday Review, February
26th, 1898.
266
THE DRAMATIC CRITIC
good reason that, being primarily an ideologue, he has ex-
amined Shakespeare as a man of thought only to find him
wanting. Lop away all beauty of form, all grace of mood —
in a word, reduce Shakespeare to his lowest terms — and what
is the result? Paraphrase the encounters of Benedick and
Beatrice in the style of a Blue-book, carefully preserving every
idea they present, and it immediately becomes apparent to
Shaw that they contain at best nothing out of the common
in thought or wit, and at worst a good deal of vulgar naughti-
ness. Paraphrasing Goethe, Wagner, or Ibsen in the same way,
he finds in them original observation, subtle thought, wide
comprehension, far-reaching intuition and psychological study.
Even if you paraphrase Shakespeare's best and maturest work,
you will still get nothing more, Shaw avers, than the platitudes
of proverbial philosophy, with a very occasional curiosity in
the shape of a rudiment of some modern idea, not followed up.
" Once or twice we scent among them an anticipation of the
crudest side of Ibsen's polemics on the Woman Question, as in
AIVs Well that Ends Well, when the man cuts as meanly selfish
a figure beside his enlightened lady-doctor wife as Helmer be-
side Nora; or in Cymbeline, where Posthumus, having, as he
believes, killed his wife for inconstancy, speculates for a mo-
ment on what his life would have been worth if the same stand-
ard of continence had been applied to himself. And certainly
no modern study of the voluptuous temperament, and the
spurious heroism and heroinism which its ecstasies produce, can
add much to Antony and Cleopatra"
Last of all, Shaw goes a step further with the declaration
that Shakespeare's weakness lies in his complete deficiency in
that highest sphere of thought, in which poetry embraces reli-
gion, philosophy, morality, and the bearing of these on com-
munities, which is sociology. " Search for statesmanship, or
even citizenship, or any sense of the Commonwealth, material
or spiritual, and you will not find the making of a decent
vestryman or curate in the whole horde. As to faith, hope,
courage, conviction, or any of the true heroic qualities, you
find nothing but death made sensational, despair made stage-
sublime, sex made romantic, and barrenness covered up by sen-
267
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
timentality and the mechanical lilt of blank-verse." All the
truly heroic which came so naturally to Bunyan is missing in
Shakespeare. In the words of Whitman, Shaw regards Shake-
speare as " the aesthetic-heroic among poets, lacking both in
the democratic and spiritual," but never as " the heroic-heroic,
which is the greatest development of the spirit." In Shaw's
eyes, Shakespeare's " test of the worth of life is the vulgar
hedonic test, and since life cannot be justified by this or any
other external test, Shakespeare comes out of his reflective
period a vulgar pessimist, oppressed with a logical demonstra-
tion that life is not worth living, and only surpassing Thack-
eray in respect of being fertile enough, instead of repeating
' Vanitas vanitatum ' at second-hand, to word the futile doc-
trine differently and better. . . . This does not mean that
Shakespeare lacked the enormous fund of joyousness which is
the secret of genius, but simply that, like most middle-class
Englishmen bred in private houses, he was a very incompetent
thinker, and took it for granted that all inquiry into life began
and ended with the question : ' Does it pay ? ' . . . Having
worked out his balance-sheet and gravely concluded that life's
but a poor player, etc., and thereby deeply impressed a pub-
lic which, after a due consumption of beer and spirits, is ready
to believe that everything maudlin is tragic, and everything
senseless sublime, Shakespeare found himself laughing and writ-
ing plays and getting drunk at the s Mermaid ' much as usual,
with Ben Jonson finding it necessary to reprove him for a too
extravagant sense of humour." Like Ernest Crosby, Shaw
regards Shakespeare as the poet of courts, of lords and ladies.
His fundamental assent is accorded to Tolstoy in his declara-
tion that Shakespeare's quintessential deficiency was his failure
to face, fairly and squarely, the eternal question of life:
" What are we alive for ? " *
It is a task of the merest supererogation to go into the de-
tails of Shaw's admiration of Shakespeare's plays, to quote his
praise of Twelfth Night and A Midsummer Night's Dream as
* Concerning Shaw's general attitude towards Shakespeare, compare the
Letter from Mr. G. Bernard Shaw appended to Tolstoy on Shakespeare.
Funk and Wagnalls Co., 1906.
THE DRAMATIC CRITIC
" crown jewels of dramatic poetry " ; of Romeo and Juliet with
its " lines that tighten the heart or catch you up into the
heights " ; of Richard III., as the best of all the " Punch and
Judy " plays, in which the hero delights man by provoking
God, and dies unrepentant and game to the last; of Julius
Caesar, in which the " dramatist's art can be carried no higher
on the plane chosen " ; of Othello, which " remains magnificent
by the volume of its passion and the splendour of its word-
music " ; of the " great achievement " of Hamlet; and of Mac-
beth, than which " no greater tragedy will ever be written."
Not only is Shaw unaffectedly fond of Shakespeare: he pities
the man who cannot enjoy him:
" He has outlived hundreds of abler thinkers, and will
outlast a thousand more. His gift of telling a story
(provided someone else told it to him first) ; his enormous
power over language, as conspicuous in his senseless and
silly abuse of it as in his miracles of expression; his hu-
mour ; his sense of idiosyncratic character ; and his pro-
digious fund of that vital energy which is, it seems, the
true differentiating property behind the faculties, good,
bad, or indifferent, of the man of genius, enable him to
entertain us so effectively that the imaginary scenes and
people he has created become more real to us than our
actual life — at least, until our knowledge and grip of
actual life begins to deepen and glow beyond the com-
mon. When I was twenty I knew everybody in Shake-
speare, from Hamlet to Abhorson, much more intimately
than I knew my living contemporaries." *
The literary side of the mission of Ibsen in England, as
Shaw conceived it, was the rescue of that unhappy country
from its centuries of slavery to Shakespeare. The moral side
of Ibsen's mission was the breaking of the shackles of slavery
to conventional ideals of virtue. And Shaw's iconoclastic cry
in the Saturday Review was " Down with Shakespeare. Great
* Blaming the Bard, in the Saturday Review, September 26th, 1896.
269
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
is Ibsen ; and Shaw is his prophet." * Interrogated in 1892
as to whether Shakespeare was not his model in writing Widow-
ers' Houses, Shaw replied with quizzical disdain : " Shakespeare !
stuff! Shakespeare — a disillusioned idealist! a rationalist! a
capitalist! If the fellow had not been a great poet, his rub-
bish would have been forgotten long ago. Moliere, as a
thinker, was worth a thousand Shakespeares. If my play is
not better than Shakespeare, let it be damned promptly." And
in reviewing his work as a dramatic critic, he said : " After
all, I have accomplished something. I have made Shakespeare
popular by knocking him off his pedestal and kicking him round
the place, and making people realize that he's not a demi-god,
but a dramatist." t When he came to judge the works of the
two dramatists by the tests of intellectual force and dramatic
insight, quite apart from beauty of expression, he found that
" Ibsen comes out with a double first-class, whereas Shake-
speare comes out hardly anywhere." Shaw recognized only
the splendour of Shakespeare's literary gift ; whereas, in Ibsen,
he hailed the very antithesis of Shakespeare, i.e., a thinker of
extraordinary penetration, a moralist of international influ-
ence, and a philosopher going to the root of those very ques-
tions to the solution of which Shaw's own life has been largely
* As Mr. Will Irwin has it in his Crankidoxology : Being a Mental Atti-
tude from Bernard Pshaw:
I'm bored by mere Shakespere and Milton,
Tho' Hubbard compels me to rave;
If 7 should lay laurels to wilt on
That foggy Shakesperean grave,
How William would squirm in his grave!
f One day at a reception at the Playgoers' Club, in London, Mr. Osmon
Edwards delivered an address on " The superiority of Shaw to Shake-
speare." He showed that Shakespeare was a bad dramatist, because he
was a great poet; he asserted that his humour was vulgar and his tragedy
puerile; and he endeavoured to prove that Shaw was far superior to
Shakespeare in his realism, in his critical sense of life, in the depth of his
thought, in his stage technique.
At this point, Shaw himself, who was among the audience, rose to his
feet and begged to say a few words in favour of his famous rival. What
a delicious situation — and one not unworthy of Bernard Shaw!
Compare The English Stage of To-Day, by Mario Borsa, pp. 152-3. John
Lane, London and New York, 1908.
270
ALL"™= worlds a stage -Society
^
s
E. T. Reed.-]
I
[Courtesy of the Ar/ist.
JOHN BULL'S OTHER PLAYWRIGHT.
A new design for a statue in Leicester Square. Reproduced by the special peimission
of the proprietors of Punch.
[Facing p. 268
THE DRAMATIC CRITIC
devoted. In the dramas of Ibsen, he found epitomized the
modern realistic struggle for intellectual and spiritual emanci-
pation, the revolt against the machine-made morality of our
sordid, flabby, and hypocritical age. Shaw had begun his ca-
reer in the strife a.xd turmoil of the Zetetical and Dialectical
Societies, debating the questions of Women's Rights, Emanci-
pation, and Married Women's Property Acts. Before he had
ever read a line of Ibsen or heard of A Doll's House, he had
already reached the conclusion, always consistently maintained
by him, that Man is not a species superior to Woman, but
that mankind is male and female, like other kinds, and that
the inequality of the sexes is literally nothing more than a
cock-and-bull story, invented by the " lords of creation " for
supremely selfish motives. When Ibsen wrote Ghosts, his name
was unknown to Shaw. But it is undeniable that, in the
eighties, Shaw was forging towards precisely similar conclu-
sions. He had felt in his inmost being the loathing of the
nineteenth century for itself, and had marked with exultation
the ferocity with which Schopenhauer and Shelley, Lassalle
and Karl Marx, Ruskin and Carlyle, Morris and Wagner had
rent the bosom that bore them. Smouldering within his own
breast was that same detestation of all the orthodoxies, and
respectabilities, and ideals railed at by these political, social
and moral anarchs. Fired by their inspiring example, he had
espoused the cause of Socialism, and zealously fought the bat-
tle for equality of opportunity, for social justice, for woman's
freedom, for liberty of thought, of action, and of conscience.
His conscious revolt against a sentimental, theatrical and sense-
lessly romantic age, chivalrously and blindly " holding aloft
the banner of the ideal," preceded his acquaintance with The
Pillars of Society and The Wild Duck. A Fabian, almost uni-
versally regarded in England as a crack-brained fanatic and
doctrinaire, he found years afterwards in An Enemy of the
People the final expression of his experience that all human
progress involves as its fundamental condition a recognition
by the pioneer that to be right is to be in the minority. The
very keynote of Shaw's own convictions was struck in Ibsen's
declaration that the really effective progressive forces of the
27i
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
moment were the revolt of the working-classes against eco-
nomic, and of the women against idealistic, slavery.
During the entire period of his career as a dramatic critic,
Shaw stood forth as an unabashed champion of Ibsen. For
many years prior to this period, he had borne the odium of
Philistine objurgation; never, even in the blackest hour of
British intolerance and insult, did he once flinch from adher-
ence to the Wizard of the North. Much that he wrote in the
Saturday Review concerning Ibsen and his plays, he had al-
ready said — and said better — in The Quintessence of Ibsenism,
written in the spring of 1890.* Still, the articles in the
Saturday Review completed Shaw's analysis of Ibsenism, as
exhibited in the remaining plays of Ibsen published after 1890 ;
and, in addition, they possessed the advantage of being criti-
cisms of the acted dramas themselves. The brilliant brochure,
entitled The Quintessence of Ibsenism, contains the heart of
Shaw's Ibsen criticism, and is undoubtedly the most notable
tour de force its author has ever achieved in any line. It is a
distinct contribution to that fertile field of modern philosophy
farcically and superficially imaged by Gilbert, mordantly
* Cf. preface to The Quintessence of Ibsenism, for its history and the
causes which led to its publication. In July, 1890, Mr. Shaw read his Quin-
tessence of Ibsenism in its original form, a study of the socialistic aspect
of Ibsen's writings, before the Fabian Society. It is interesting to record
what appears to be a reference to this lecture, made by Henrik Ibsen. In
a letter to Hans Lien Braekstad {Letters of Henrik Ibsen, translated by
John Nilsen Laurvik and Mary Morison, pp. 430-1), a Norwegian-English
man of letters (since 1887 resident in London), who has done much for
the spread of Norwegian and Danish literature in England, Ibsen wrote
from Munich, August, 1890, referring to a garbled report of a newspaper
interview with him:
" What I really said was that I was surprised that I, who had made it
my chief life-task to depict human character and human doctrines, should,
without conscious or direct intention, have arrived in several matters at
the same conclusions as the social-democratic philosophers had arrived at
by scientific processes.
"What led me to express this surprise (and, I may here add, satisfac-
tion), was a statement made by the correspondent to the effect that one
or more lectures had lately been given in London, dealing, according to
him, chiefly with A Doll's House."
The latter statement appears to be in error; although the correspondent
may possibly have had in mind some lectures, delivered by Eleanor Marx,
I believe, on A Doll's House.
THE DRAMATIC CRITIC
dramatized by Ibsen, and rhapsodically concretized by
Nietzsche. Let us disabuse our minds at once of the idea that
this book is either mere literary criticism or a supernally clever
jeu d'esprit. Not a critical essay on the poetical beauties of
Ibsen, but simply an exposition of Ibsenism, it may be described
as an ideological distillation of Ibsen in the role of ethical and
moral critic of contemporary civilization. To call The Quin-
tessence of Ibsenism one-sided is not simply a futile condemna-
tion: it is a perfectly obvious truth.
To Ibsen, according to Shaw, the pioneer of civilization is
the man or woman bold enough to seek the fulfilment of the
individual will, hardy enough to prefer the naked facts of life
to the comforting illusions of the imagination. Society is com-
posed, in the main, of Philistines who accept the established
social order without demur or misgiving; and of a few Ideal-
ists, temperamentally dissatisfied with their lot, yet seeking
refuge from the spectacle of their own failure in an imaginary
world of romantic ideals, and in the self-delusion that to see
the world thus is noble and spiritual, whilst to see it as it is
is vulgar, brutal and cynical. But sometimes there arises the
solitary pioneer, the realist, if you will — a Blake, a Shelley, a
Bashkirtseff, a Shaw — who dares to face the truth the idealists
are shirking, to chip off the masks of romance and idealism,
and to say fearlessly that life needs no justification and sub-
mits to no test; that it must be lived for its own sake as an
end in itself, and that all institutions, all ideals, and all ro-
mances must be brought to its test and stand or fall by their
furtherance of and loyalty to it.
Thus to Ibsen : " The Ideal is dead ; long live the ideal ! "
epitomizes the history of human progress. Brand, the heroic
idealist, daring to live largely, to will unreservedly, fails be-
cause of his inability to realize the unattainability of his ideals
in this present life. As Cervantes in Don Quixote reduced the
old ideal of chivalry to absurdity, so Ibsen in Peer Gynt re-
duces to absurdity the ideal of self-realization when it takes
the form of self-gratification unhampered by sense of responsi-
bility. Shaw found it unnecessary to translate the scheme of
Emperor and Galilean in terms of the antithesis between ideal-
27S
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
ism and realism, since Julian, in this respect, is only a re-
incarnation of Peer Gynt. After constructing imaginative
projections of himself in Brand, Peer Gynt and Julian, Ibsen
next turns to the real life around him, to the creatures of tons
les jours, to continue his detailed attack upon idealism. In
The Pillars of Society, the Rorlund ideals go down before the
realities of truth and freedom; in A DolVs House, Helmer's
unstable card-house of ideals falls to the ground; and in
Ghosts, Mrs. Alving offers herself up as a living sacrifice on
the altar of the ideal, only to discover the futility of the sacri-
fice. An Enemy of the People exposes the fallacy of the ma-
jority ideal, and posits the striking doctrine that to be right
is to be in the minority. The Wild Duck appears as a whole-
sale condemnation of the ideal of truth for truth's &ake alone.
Rosmersholm embodies Rebekka's tragic protest against the
Rosmersholm ideal " that denied her right to live and be happy
from the first, and at the end, even in denying its God, exacts
her life as a vain blood-offering for its own blindness." The
Lady from the Sea presents a fanciful image of the triumph
of responsible freedom over romantic idealism grounded in un-
happiness, while in Hedda Gabler the woman rises from life's
feast because she has neither the vision for ideals nor the pas-
sion for reality — " a pure sceptic, a typical nineteenth-century
figure, falling into the abyss between the ideals which do not
impose on her and the realities which she has not yet
discovered."
It is needless to follow Shaw's analysis of Ibsenism further,
although it might readily be applied to Ibsen's remaining
plays. Suffice it to say, that Shaw nowhere denies that Ibsen
is an idealist, or that ideals are indispensable to human prog-
ress. He has been forced to call Ibsen a realist; in fact, al-
most to invent new terms, a new phraseology, in order to dis-
tinguish between the ideals which have become pernicious
through senescence, and the ideals which remain valid through
conformity to reality. Out of Ibsen's very longing for the
ideal grew that mood of ideal suspiciousness which Brandes,
like Shaw, affirmed to be one of his dominant characteristics.
Ibsen opposes current political and moral values, strong in the
274
THE DRAMATIC CRITIC
conviction that every end should be challenged to justify the
means. Acceptance of Ibsen's philosophy to will greatly, to
dare nobly, to be always prepared to violate the code of con-
ventional morality, to find fulfilment of the will as much in
voluntary submission to reality as in affirmation of life the
eternal — must at once, Shaw rightly indicates, greatly deepen
the sense of moral responsibility. " What Ibsen insists on is
that there is no golden rule — that conduct must justify itself
by its effect upon happiness and not by its conformity to any
rule or ideal." *
Shaw's analysis of Ibsenism holds out a large, sane, tolerant
standard of life as the inevitable lesson of Ibsen's plays. Lies,
pretences, and hypocrisies avail not against the strong man,
fortified in the resolution to find himself, to attain self-realiza-
tion, through fulfilment of the will. However much one may
regret that Shaw, by preserving his postulate/, in concrete terms,
has to some extent diverted our attention from the whole
formidable significance of the Ibsenic drama, it is idle to deny
that the book is at once caustically powerful and unflaggingly
brilliant. Certainly Shaw has seen Ibsen clearly, even if he has
not seen him whole. Ibsen cannot be summed up in a thesis;
the curve of his art, as Mr. Huneker says, reaches across the
edge of the human soul. " The quintessence of Ibsenism is that
there is no formula " — this is Shaw's last assurance to us that
he has not reduced Ibsen to a formula. It is impossible for
anyone, with greater assurance, to assure us that there is noth-
ing assured.
Comprehension of Shaw's attitude towards Shakespeare and
Ibsen is a prerequisite to an accurate judgment of his attitude
towards dramatic art in general, and, more particularly, to-
wards the contemporary British stage. Beneath all his criti-
cism lay the belief that the theatre of to-day is as important
an institution as the Church was in the Middle Ages. " The
apostolic succession from Eschylus to myself," he recently said,
in speaking of his Saturday Review period, " is as serious and as
* This seems to me a very superficial judgment, and one which Shaw
himself would doubtless repudiate to-day. How thoroughly inappropriate
and erroneous is the use of the word " happiness " in this connection !
275
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
continuously inspired as that younger institution, the apostolic
succession of the Christian Church. Unfortunately this Chris-
tian Church, founded gaily with a pun, has been so largely
corrupted by rank Satanism that it has become the Church
where you must not laugh ; and so it is giving way to that older
and greater Church to which I belong: the Church where the
oftener you laugh the better, because by laughter only can you
destroy evil without malice, and affirm good-fellowship without
mawkishness. When I wrote, I was well aware of what an
unofficial census of Sunday worshippers presently proved, that
church-going in London has been largely replaced by play-
going. This would be a very good thing if the theatre took
itself seriously as a factory of thought, a prompter of con-
science, an elucidator of social conduct, an armoury against
despair and dullness, and a temple of the Ascent of Man. I
took it seriously in that way, and preached about it instead of
merely chronicling its news and alternately petting and snub-
bing it as a licentious but privileged form of public entertain-
ment. And this, I believe, is why my sermons gave so little
offence, and created so much interest." * Although plays have
neither political constitutions nor established churches, they
must all, if they are to be anything more than the merest tissue
of stage effects, have a philosophy even if it be no more than
an unconscious expression of the author's temperament. Just
as nowadays all the philosophers maintain intimate relations
with the fine arts, so conversely the great dramatists have at
all times maintained intimate relations with philosophy. Wil-
liam Archer used often to tell Shaw that he (Shaw) had no
real love of art, no enjoyment of it, only a faculty for observ-
ing performances, and an interest in the intellectual tendency
of plays. One may retort in Shaw's own words : " In all the
life that has energy enough to be interesting to me, subjective
volition, passion, will, make intellect the merest tool." It is
significant of much that, to Shaw, the play is not the thing,
but its thought, its purpose, its feeling, its execution. Indeed,
he regarded the theatre as a response to our need for a
* The Author's Apology — preface to the first English edition of Dramatic
Opinions and Essays, by Bernard Shaw.
276
Jessie HoUiday.~\
[CoM/'tes^ 0/ ffte Artist.
WILLIAM ARCHER.
From the original pencil sketch.
[Facing p. 274
THE DRAMATIC CRITIC
" sensable expression of our ideals and illusions and approvals
and resentments." In comparing the dramatic standards of
Archer and himself, Shaw exhibits a passion for feeling little
suspected by his critics : " Every element, even though it be
an element of artistic force, which interferes with the credibility
of the scene, wounds him, and is so much to the bad. To him
acting, like scene-painting, is merely a means to an end, that
end being to enable him to make-believe. To me the play is
only the means, the end being the expression of feeling by the
arts of the actor, the poet, the musician. Anything that makes
this impression more vivid, whether it be versification, or an
orchestra, or a deliberately artificial rendition of the lines, is
so much to the good for me, even though it may destroy all the
verisimilitude of the scene."
In a review of the London dramatic season of 1904-5 Mr.
Walkley made the following characterization of Shaw :
" After all, we must recall this truth : the primordial func-
tion of the artist — whatever his means of artistic expression —
is to be a purveyor of pleasure, and the man who can give
us a refined intellectual pleasure, or a pleasure of moral na-
ture or of social sympathy, or else a pleasure which arises
from being given an unexpected or wider outlook upon life —
this man imparts to us a series of delicate and moving sensa-
tions which the spectacle simply of technical address, of the-
atrical talent, can never inspire. And this man is no other than
Bernard Shaw." *
In conversation with me, Shaw vehemently repudiated the
notion that he was anything so petty as a mere purveyor of
pleasure. " The theatre cannot give pleasure," he went so far
as to say. " It defeats its very purpose if it does not take you
outside of yourself. It may sometimes — and, indeed, often
does — give one sensations which are far from pleasant, which
may even be, in the last degree, horrifying and terrible. The
function of the theatre is to stir people, to make them think,
to make them suffer.
" Why, I have seen people stagger out of the Court Theatre
*L§ Temps, August 28th, 1905.
277
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
after seeing one of my plays," he said, laughing, " unspeak-
ably indignant with me because I had made them think, had
stirred them to opposition, and had made them heartily
ashamed of themselves."
In regard to comedy, the field in which he peculiarly excels,
Shaw is equally positive in the statement that unless comedy
touches as well as amuses him, he is defrauded of his just due.
" When a comedy of mine is performed, it is nothing to me that
the spectators laugh — any fool can make an audience laugh.
I want to see how many of them, laughing or grave, have tears
in their eyes." More than once he has insisted that people's
ideas, however useful they may be for embroidery, especially
in passages of comedy, are not the true stuff of drama, which
is always " the naive feeling underlying the ideas." When Mr.
Meredith said, in his Essay on Comedy, " The English public
have the basis of the comic in them: an esteem for common
sense," the remark aroused Mr. Shaw's most vigorous opposi-
tion. The intellectual virtuosity of the Frenchman, the Irish-
man, the American, the ancient Greek, leading to a love of
intellectual mastery of things, Shaw acutely observes, " pro-
duces a positive enjoyment of disillusion (the most dreaded
and hated of calamities in England), and consequently a love
of comedy (the fine art of disillusion) deep enough to make
huge sacrifices of dearly idealized institutions to it. Thus,
in France, Moliere was allowed to destroy the Marquises. In
England he could not have shaken even such titles as the acci-
dental sheriff's knighthood of the late Sir Augustus Harris."
Shaw had realized to his own misfortune that the Englishman's
so-called " common sense " always involves a self-satisfied un-
consciousness of its own moral and intellectual bluntness,
whereas the function of comedy — in particular the comedies
written by Shaw himself — is " to dispel such unconsciousness
by turning the searchlight of the keenest moral and intellectual
analysis right on it." The following paragraph embodies
Shaw's rather limited conception of comedy:
" The function of comedy is nothing less than the de-
struction of old-established morals. Unfortunately, to-
278
I
THE DRAMATIC CRITIC
day such iconoclasm can be tolerated by our play-going
citizens only as a counsel of despair and pessimism. They
can find a dreadful joy in it when it is done seriously, or
even grimly and terribly as they understand Ibsen to be
doing it; but that it should be done with levity, with
silvery laughter like the crackling of thorns under a pot,
is too scandalously wicked, too cynical, too heartlessly
shocking to be borne. Consequently, our plays must
either be exploitations of old-established morals or tragic
challengings of the order of Nature. Reductions to ab-
surdity, however logical ; banterings, however kind ; irony,
however delicate; merriment, however silvery, are out of
the question in matters of morality, except among men
with a natural appetite for comedy which must be satisfied
at all costs and hazards: that is to say, not among
the English play-going public^ which positively dislikes
comedy." *
It is perfectly apparent that it was Shaw's distinction — a
notorious distinction — to be the leading and almost unique
representative of a school which was in violent reaction against
that of Pinero, generally regarded as the premier British
dramatist. Moreover, he lacked the sympathy of his colleagues
in dramatic criticism — Clement Scott, the impassioned cham-
pion of British sentimentality and ready-made morals, William
Archer, the austere patron of young England in the drama,
and Walkley, the Gallic impressionist and dilettante. Shaw
endured the virulent attacks of Clement Scott with equanimity,
if not with positive enjoyment. By his friend Walkley he was
taunted, under the classic name of Euthrypho, with being an
impossibilist : " Euthrypho hardly falls into Mr. Grant Allen's
category of ' serious intellects,' for none has ever known him
to be serious, but about his intellect there is, as the Grand In-
quisitor says:
" * No probable possible shadow of doubt,
No possible doubt whatever.'
A universal genius, a brilliant political economist, a Fabian
* Meredith on Comedy, in the Saturday Review, March 27th, 1897.
279
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
of the straitest sect of the Fabians, a critic (of other arts than
the dramatic) comme il y en a peu, he persists, where the stage
is concerned, in crying for the moon, and will not be satisfied,
as the rest of us have learned to be, with the only attainable
substitute, a good wholesome cheese. His standard is as much
too high as Crito's (another critic) is too low. He asks from
the theatre more than the theatre can give, and quarrels with
the theatre because it is theatrical. He lumps La Tosca and A
Man's Shadow together as ' French machine-made plays,' and,
because he is not edified by them, refuses to be merely amused.
Because The Dead Heart is not on the level of a Greek trag-
edy, he is blind to its merits as a pantomime. He refuses to
recognize the advance made by Mr. Pinero because Mr. Pinero
has not yet advanced as far as Henrik Ibsen. Half a loaf, the
wise agree, is better than no bread ; but because it is only half
a loaf, Euthrypho complains that they have given him a
stone." * Worse than all, Mr. Archer vigorously charged him
with the most aggressive hostility towards the contemporary
movement in British drama. In one of his Study and Stage
articles, entitled Mr. Shaw and Mr. Pinero, and published Au-
gust 22d, 1903, Mr. Archer thus condemns Shaw as a dramatic
critic : " Just at the time when the English drama began clearly
to emerge from the puerility into which it had sunk between
the 'fifties and the 'eighties, Mr. Shaw was engaged, week by
week, in producing dramatic criticisms. Writing for a six-
penny paper, he had but a limited audience; and, therefore,
even his wit, energy and unique literary power (I use the
epithet deliberately) could do little to influence the course of
events. But all that he could do he did, to discredit, crush
and stamp out the new movement. Had he been a power at
all he would have been a power for evil. There were moments
during that period when I sympathized, as never before or
since, with the Terrorists of exactly a century ago. I felt
that when a new and struggling order of things is persistently
assailed with inveterate and inhuman hostility, it is no wonder
if it defends itself with equal relentlessness. If a guillotine had
* Playhouse Impressions, article The Dramatic Critic as Pariah, pp. 5-6.
280
THE DRAMATIC CRITIC
been functioning in Trafalgar Square — but do not let us dwell
on the horrid fantasy. Those days are over. ' We have
marched prospering, not through his presence.' There is still
a long fight to be fought before the English theatre becomes
anything like the great social institution it ought to be; but
even if the movement were now to stop dead (and of that there
is not the slightest fear), nothing can alter the fact that the
past ten years have given us a new and by no means despicable
dramatic literature."
These severe characterizations by the two leading English
dramatic critics deserve more than casual notice. Shaw repre-
sented Vecole du plein air; his unpardonable crime consisted in
daringly throwing open the windows to let in a fresh and vivi-
fying current of ideas. With Shaw, to dramatize was to
philosophize; moreover, he sought to discredit the tradition
that the drama is never the forerunner, but always the laggard,
in interpretation of the Zeitgeist. Far from being the insti-
gator of the crimes and the partner of the guilty joys of the
drama, he regarded himself as the policeman of dramatic art;
and avowed it his express business to denounce its delinquencies.
Firm in the faith that the radicalism of yesterday is the con-
servatism of to-morrow, he boldly declared : f6 It is an instinct
with me personally to attack every idea which has been full
grown for ten years, especially if it claims to be the foundation
of all human society. I am prepared to back human societ3T
against any idea, positive or negative, that can be brought into
the field against it. In this — except as to my definite intel-
lectual consciousness of it — I am, I believe, a much more
typical and popular person in England than the conventional
man; and I believe that when we begin to produce a genuine
national drama, this apparently anarchic force, the mother of
higher law and humaner order, will underlie it, and that the
public will lose all patience with the conventional collapses
which serve for the last acts to the serious dramas of to-day."
He found the contemporary English drama lamentably " dat-
ing " in ethics and philosophy ; their daily observation kept
the English dramatists up-to-date in personal descriptions, but
there was " nothing to force them to revise the morality they
281
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
inherited from their grandmothers." But Shaw's high and un-
compromising ideal for British drama was no justification for
Mr. Archer's charge that Shaw as a dramatic critic was only
a paralyzing and sterilizing force. " There is more talent now
than ever," wrote Shaw in December, 1895, to take a single
example, " more skill now than ever, more artistic culture,
better taste, better acting, better theatres, better dramatic
literature. Mr. Tree, Mr. Alexander, Mr. Hare have made
honourable experiments, Mr. Forbes Robertson's enterprise at
the Lyceum is not a sordid one; Mr. Henry Arthur Jones and
Mr. Pinero are doing better work than ever before, and doing
it without any craven concession to the follies of the British
public."
We may, perhaps, best arrive at a notion of Shaw's relation
to the British stage by discovering his attitude towards his
colleagues in the drama — say Pinero, Jones, Wilde, Grundy,
Stevenson and Henley. Pinero he resolutely refused, in the
face of popular clamour, to laud as the " English Ibsen." He
regarded Pinero as an adroit describer of people as the ordi-
nary man sees and judges them, but not as a genuine in-
terpreter of character. " Add to this a clear head, a love of
the stage, and a fair talent for fiction, all highly cultivated by
hard and honourable work as a writer of effective stage plays
for the modern commercial theatre; and you have him on his
real level." The Second Mrs. Tanqueray, hailed as the great-
est tragedy of the modern English school, Shaw regarded as
not only a stage play in the most technical sense, but even a
noticeably old-fashioned one in its sentiment and stage-
mechanism; he objected to it on another ground — and quite
unreasonably, I think — because it exhibited, not the sexual
relations between the principals, but the social reactions set up
by this amazing marriage. Shaw was utterly revolted by
Pinero's coarseness and unspeakable ignorance in the por-
trayal of the feminine social agitation in The Notorious Mrs.
Ebbsmith; the noble work of such women as Annie Besant,
who had worked at Shaw's side for many years, gave the direct
lie to Pinero's characterization. " I once pointed out a method
of treatment which might have made The Notorious Mrs. Ebb-
282
THE DRAMATIC CRITIC
smith bearable," Mr. Shaw recently remarked to me. " Now
I am of the opinion that nothing could have made it a good
play." Shaw had a vast contempt for Pinero as a moralist
and a social philosopher. " Archer objected to me as a critic,"
he once remarked to me, " because I didn't like The Profligate
and The Second Mrs. Tanqueray." But Shaw sincerely ad-
mired the Pinero of The Benefit of the Doubt and The Hobby
Horset notable as they were for high dramatic pressure or true
comedy, close-knit action or genuine literary workmanship,
humour, fresh observation, naturalness, and free development
of character. Shaw technically defined a " character actor "
as a " clever stage performer who cannot act, and therefore
makes an elaborate study of the disguises and stage tricks by
which acting can be grossly simulated." And he pronounced
Pinero's performance as a thinker and social philosopher to be
" simply character acting in the domain of authorship, which
can impose only on those who are taken in by character acting
on the stage."
The hypothetical " guillotine functioning in Trafalgar
Square," of which Mr. Archer speaks, Shaw insists was re-
served for him, not at all because he did all that he could do
" to discredit, crush, and stamp out the new movement," but
)ecause he would not bow to the fetish of Pinero. One of his
chief heresies consisted in unhesitatingly classing Henry Arthur
Jones as " first, and eminently first, among the surviving fit-
test of his own generation of playwrights." Ever on the side
of the minority, he regarded Michael and His Lost Angel as
" the best play its school has given to the theatre." While
Pinero, in Shaw's eyes, drew his characters from the outside,
Jones developed them from within. Shaw recognized in Jones
a kindred spirit ; both believed that " in all matters of the mod-
ern drama, England is no better than a parish, with ' parochial '
judgments, ' parochial ' instincts, and ' parochial ' ways of
looking at things." And Shaw accorded Jones the warmest
praise because he was " the only one of our popular dramatists
whose sense of the earnestness of real life has been dug deep
enough to bring him into conflict with the limitations and levi-
ties of our theatre."
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
For Grundy's school of dramatic art, Shaw had absolutely
no relish. Indeed, he lamented the vogue of the " well-made
piece " — those " mechanical rabbits," as he called them, with
wheels for entrails. Henry James's Guy Domville, which he
regarded as distinctly du theatre, won his sincere praise; and
the plays of Henley and Stevenson delighted him with their
combination of artistic faculty, pleasant boyishness and ro-
mantic imagination, and fine qualities of poetic speech, despite
the fact that the authors didn't take the stage seriously —
" unless it were the stage of pasteboard scenes and characters
and tin lamps." And to Shaw, Oscar Wilde — " almost as
acutely Irish an Irishman as the Iron Duke of Wellington " —
was, in a certain sense, " our only playwright," because he
" plays with everything: with wit, with philosophy, with drama,
with actors and audience, with the whole theatre."
The most serious and the most well-founded charge that can
be urged against Shaw as a dramatic critic was his impatience
with everybody who would not " come his way." It was his
habit to damn a play which was not written as he himself would
have written it. With characteristic iconoclasm, Shaw ex-
pressed his regret that Michael and His Lost Angel is a play
without a hero — some captain of the soul, resolute in champion-
ing his own faith contra mundum. " Let me rewrite the last
three acts," says the diabolonian author of The Devil's Dis-
ciple, " and you shall have your Reverend Michael embracing
the answer of his own soul, thundering it from the steps of
his altar, and marching out through his shocked and shamed
parishioners, with colours flying and head erect and unashamed,
to the freedom of faith in his own real conscience. Whether
he is right or wrong is nothing to me as a dramatist ; he must
follow his star, right or wrong, if he is to be a hero."
Again, in the latter part of The Second Mrs. Tanqueray,
Aubrey says to Paula, " I know what you were at Ellean's age.
You hadn't a thought that wasn't a wholesome one ; you hadn't
an impulse that didn't tend towards good. . . . And this was a
very few years back." Shaw's comment is highly significant
of his attitude. " On the reply to that fatuous but not un-
natural speech depended the whole question of Mr. Pinero's
284
THE DRAMATIC CRITIC
rank as a dramatist. One can imagine how, in a play by a
master-hand, Paula's reply would have opened Tanqueray's
foolish eyes to the fact that a woman of that sort is already
the same at three as at thirty-three, and that however she may
have found by experience that her nature is in conflict with
the ideals of differently-constituted people, she remains per-
fectly valid to herself, and despises herself, if she sincerely
does so at all, for the hypocrisy that the world forces on her
instead of being what she is." That " master-hand," of which
Shaw speaks, is now well known to the English public through
the instrumentality of the Court, the Savoy and the Repertory
Theatres. But at the time of writing this, and many another
intolerant criticism, Shaw was violently battering away at the
gates of tradition, and, Joshua-like, blowing his horn for the
fall of the walls of the Jericho of the English stage. In The
Author's Apology to his Dramatic Opinions and Essays, Shaw
frankly says:
" I must warn the reader that what he is about to study
is not a series of judgments aiming at impartiality, but a
siege laid to the theatre of the nineteenth century by an
author who had to cut his own way into it at the point
of the pen and throw some of its defenders into the moat.
" Pray do not conclude from this that the things here-
inafter written were not true, or not the deepest and best
things I know how to say. Only, they must be construed
in the light of the fact that all through I was accusing
my opponents of failure because they were not doing what
I wanted, whereas they were often succeeding very bril-
liantly in doing what they themselves wanted. I postu-
lated as desirable a certain kind of play in which I was
destined ten years later to make my mark as a playwright
(as I very well foreknew in the depth of my own uncon-
sciousness) ; and I brought everybody — authors, actors,
managers — to the one test: were they coming my way or
staying in the old grooves ? "
In private, Shaw laughingly declares that the old criticisms
285
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
of Pinero and Jones were all fudge, that Pinero and Archer
were personal friends, and Shaw and Jones personal friends ;
so that Archer took on the job of cracking up Pinero and
Shaw that of cracking up Jones, who were both " doing their
blood best " for the drama. Later on the old criticisms proved
no bar to the most cordial personal relations between Shaw
and Pinero ; and the latter's knighthood, unsought and, indeed,
undreamt of by himself, was persistently urged on the Prime
Minister by Shaw.
Granting all Shaw's unfairness, his confessed partiality and
domination by an idee fixe for the English stage, it is never-
theless astounding to read Mr. Archer's declaration that
Shaw's " critical campaign, conducted with magnificent en-
ergy and intellectual power, was as nearly as possible barren
of result." On the contrary, it has been remarked that Shaw's
dramatic criticisms supply one of the most notable examples
of cause and effect modern literary history can show. Far
from being barren of result, Shaw's assaults produced an ef-
fect little short of remarkable. His theories and principles
found free expression in the Court Theatre. Indeed, they may
be said in large measure to have created it, controlled it, and
achieved its success. To Bernard Shaw and Granville Barker
belong the credit for giving London, in the Court Theatre, a
school of acting and a repertory — or rather, short-run —
theatre such as England had never known before.
It would take me too far afield to attempt to do full justice
to the variety and multiplicity of Shaw's functions as a critic
of the drama, the stage, and the art of acting. The annoying
part of his career, as Mr. W. L. Courtney somewhere says, is
that he was more often right than wrong — " right in sub-
stance, though often wrong in manner, saying true things with
the most ludicrous air in the world, as if he were merely en-
joying himself at our expense." He agitated again and again
for a subsidized theatre; and fought the censorship with un-
abating zeal.* He championed Ibsen at all times and in all
* Compare, for example, his ablest and most exhaustive essays on the
subject: The Author's Apology to the Stage Society edition of Mrs. War-
ren's Profession; Censorship of the Stage in England, in the North Ameri-
286
THE DRAMATIC CRITIC
places, realizing full well, as in the days of his musical criti-
cism, that Sir Augustus Harris's prejudices against Wagner
were no whit greater than Sir Henry Irving's prejudices
against Ibsen. While he classed Irving as " our ablest ex-
ponent of acting as a fine art and serious profession," he con-
sidered all Irving's creations to be creations of his own tem-
perament. Shaw took Irving sternly to task for his mutilations
of Shakespeare and his inalienable hostility to Ibsen and the
modern school. On the day of Irving's death, Shaw wrote:
" He did nothing for the drama of the present, and he muti-
lated the remains of the dying Shakespeare; but he carried his
lifelong fight into victory, and saw the actor recognized as the
prince of all other artists is recognized ; and that was enough
in the life of a single man. Requiescat in pace." * Shaw held
Irving responsible for the remorseless waste of the modernity
and originality of Ellen Terry's art upon the old drama, de-
spite the fact that she succeeded in climbing to its highest
summit. Shaw found consolation in the reflection that " if it
was denied Ellen Terry to work with Ibsen to interpret the
indignation of a Nora Helmer, it was her happy privilege to
work with Burne-Jones and Alma-Tadema." t It was only
can Review, Vol. CLXIX., pages 251 et seq.; The Solution of the Censor-
ship Problem, in the Academy, June 29th, 1907; The Censorship of Plays,
in the Nation (London), November 16th, 1907.
* Owing partially to mistakes in re-translation into English, partially
to certain statements made therein, Shaw's article in the Neue Freie Presse
of Vienna (Feuilleton: Sir Henry Irving, von Bernhard Shaw, October 20th,
1905, written shortly after Irving's death) aroused a heated discussion
and controversy, which raged even in America until the Boston Transcript
let the disputants down heavily by reprinting the article, which was found
to be quite reasonable and absolutely void of the innuendo of which Shaw
was accused, namely, that Irving had played the sycophant to obtain a
knighthood. It is noteworthy that certain matters as to which Shaw was
erroneously supposed to have misrepresented Irving, were solemnly and
publicly denied in letters to the Times, yet when the time came for
biographies of Irving to appear, they contained ample proof that Shaw
might have made all the denied allegations had he chosen to do so. For
the facts in the case, compare the essay in the Neue Freie Presse with the
true text of the essay, in the original English, with Shaw's own notes, in the
Morning Post, London, December 5th, 1905.
f Shaw's fine essay on the art of Ellen Terry also appeared in the Neue
Freie Presse late in 1905. For the English version of the article, cf. the
Boston Transcript, January 20th, 1906.
287
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
after Irving's death, and after Ellen Terry had reached the
age of fifty-eight, that she at last interpreted the Lady Cicely
Waynflete of Shaw's own Captain Brassbound's Conversion.
After ten years of continuous criticism of the arts of music
and the drama, Shaw gave up, exhausted.* The last critical
continent was conquered. " The strange Jabberwocky Oracle
whom men call Shaw," began to attain to the eminence of the
" interview " and the " celebrity at home " column. In his
first feuilleton, Max Beerbohm, Shaw's successor on the Sat-
urday Review, said of him : " With all his faults — grave though
they are and not to be counted on the fingers of one hand — he
is, I think, by far the most brilliant and remarkable journalist
in London." Plays, Pleasant and Unpleasant, then just pub-
lished, were creating unusual interest. Shaw was doubtless
influenced thereby to devote himself, as artist, exclusively to
the writing of plays. In order to make as much as the stage
royalties from The Devil's Disciple alone, for example, he
would, as he said, have had " to write his heart out for six
years in the Saturday." The superhuman profession of jour-
nalism began to pall upon him: excellence in it he regarded as
quite beyond mortal strength and endurance. " I took extraor-
dinary pains — all the pains I was capable of — to get to the
bottom of everything I wrote about. . . . Ten years of such
work, at the rate of two thousand words a week or thereabouts
— say, roughly, a million words — all genuine journalism, de-
pendent on the context of the week's history for its effect, was
an apprenticeship which made me master of my own style."
Shaw's income as a journalist began in 1885 at one hundred
and seventeen pounds and threepence; and it ended at five
hundred pounds. By this time he had reached the age at which
one discovers that "journalism is a young man's standby, not
an old man's livelihood." Shaw had said all that he had to
say of Irving and Tree; and concerning Shakespeare he
boasted : " When I began to write, William was a divinity and
a bore. Now he is a fellow-creature." But, above all, he had
gloriously succeeded in the creation of that most successful
* His Valedictory appeared in the Saturday Review, May 21st, 1898.
THE DRAMATIC CRITIC
of all his fictions — G. B. S. " For ten years past, with an un-
precedented pertinacity and obstination, I have been dinning
into the public head that I am an extraordinarily witty, bril-
liant, and clever man. That is now part of the public opinion
of England; and no power in heaven or on earth will ever
change it. I may dodder and dote ; I may pot-boil and plati-
tudinize; I may become the butt and chopping-block of all the
bright, original spirits of the rising generation ; but my reputa-
tion shall not suffer: it is built up fast and solid, like Shake-
speare's, on an impregnable basis of dogmatic reiteration."
289
THE PLAYWRIGHT— I
"In all my plays my economic studies have played as important a part
as a knowledge of anatomy does in the works of Michael Angelo." — Letter
to the author, of date June 30th, 1904.
" Plays which, dealing less with the crimes of society, and more with its
romantic follies, and with the struggles of individuals against those follies,
may be called, by contrast, Pleasant." — Plays, Pleasant and Unpleasant,
Vol. I., Preface.
CHAPTER X
WHILE resting from the over-exertions of the political
campaign at the time of the General Election in 1892,
Shaw came upon the manuscript of the partially finished play
begun in 1885. " Tickled " by the play, and urged by Mr.
Grein, Shaw began work upon it anew. " But for Mr. Grein
and the Independent Theatre Society," Shaw confessed, " it
would have gone back to its drawer and lain there another seven */
years, if not for ever." * With this play, Widowers' Houses, ^^
Shaw made his debut upon the English stage as a problem
dramatist with the avowed purpose of exposing existent evils in
the prevailing social order. Widowers' Houses is the first native
play of the New School in England consciously devoted to the
exposure of the social guilt of the community.
In 1885, shortly after the completion of the novels of his
nonage, Shaw began this play in collaboration with Mr.
William Archer. After learning to know Shaw by sight in the
British Museum reading-room, as a " young man of tawny com-
plexion and attire," studying alternately, if not simultaneously,
Karl Marx's Das Kapital (in French), and an orchestral score
of Tristan and Isolde, Mr. Archer finally met him at the house
of a common acquaintance.
" I learned from himself that he was the author of several
unpublished masterpieces of fiction. Construction, he
owned with engaging modesty, was not his strong point,
but hh dialogue was incomparable. Now, in those days I
had still a certain hankering after the rewards, if not the
glories, of the playwright. With a modesty in no way
inferior to Mr. Shaw's, I had realized that I could not
* Compare the account of Mr. Eden Greville, one of Mr. Grein's asso-
ciates in the Independent Theatre Society, in Munsey's Magazine, March,
1906, entitled, Bernard Shaw and His Plays.
293
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
write dialogue a bit; but I still considered myself a born
constructor. I proposed, and Mr. Shaw agreed to, a col-
laboration. I was to provide him with one of the numer-
ous plots I kept in stock, and he was to write the dialogue.
So said, so done. I drew out, scene by scene, the scheme
of a twaddling cup-and-saucer comedy vaguely suggested
by Augier's Ceinture Doree. The details I forget, but I
know it was to be called Rhinegold, was to open, as Wid-
owers9 Houses actually does, in an hotel garden on the
Rhine, and was to have two heroines, a sentimental and a
comic one, according to the accepted Robertson-Byron-
Carton formula. I fancy the hero was to propose to the
sentimental heroine, believing her to be the poor niece in-
stead of the rich daughter of the sweater, or slum-landlord,
or whatever he may have been ; and I know he was to carry
on in the most heroic fashion, and was ultimately to succeed
in throwing the tainted treasure of his father-in-law, meta-
phorically speaking, into the Rhine. All this I gravely
propounded to Mr. Shaw, who listened with no less admira-
ble gravity. Then I thought the matter had dropped, for
I heard no more of it for many weeks. I used to see Mr.
Shaw at the Museum, laboriously writing page after page
of the most exquisitely neat shorthand at the rate of about
three words a minute, but it did not occur to me that this
was our play. After about six weeks he said tome:' Look
here: I've written half the first act of that comedy, and
I've used up all your plot. Now I want some more to go
on with.' I told him that my plot was a rounded and
perfect organic whole, and that I could no more eke it
out in this fashion than I could provide him or myself with
a set of supplementary arms and legs. I begged him to
extend his shorthand and let me see what he had done ; but
this would have taken him far too long. He tried to de-
cipher some of it orally, but the process was too lingering
and painful for endurance. So he simply gave me an out-
line in narrative of what he had done ; and I saw that, so
far from using up my plot, he had not even touched it.
There the matter rested for months and years. Mr. Shaw
294
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BERNARD SHAW
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VMy
THE PLAYWRIGHT— I
would now and then hold out vague threats of finishing
* our play,' but I felt no serious alarm. I thought (judg-
ing from my own experience in other cases) that when he
came to read over in cold blood what he had written, he
would see what impossible stuff it was. Perhaps my free
utterance of this view piqued him; perhaps he felt im-
pelled to remove from the Independent Theatre the re-
proach of dealing solely in foreign products. The fire of
his genius, at all events, was not to be quenched by my
persistent application of the wet blanket. He finished his
play; Mr. Grein, as in duty bound, accepted it; and the
result was the performance of Friday last at the Inde-
pendent Theatre." *
According to Shaw's account, he produced a horribly incon-
gruous effect by " laying violent hands on his (Archer's) thor-
oughly planned scheme for a sympathetically romantic c well-
made play ' of the type then in vogue," and perversely
distorting it into a " grotesquely realistic exposure of slum-
landlordism, muncipal jobbery, and the pecuniary and matri-
monial ties between it and the pleasant people of ' independent '
incomes who imagine that such sordid matters do not touch their
own lives." Shortly before the production of Widowers'
Houses, there appeared an " Interview " with Shaw, purporting
to give some idea of the much-mooted play, but leaving the
public in doubt as to the seriousness with which this mock-
solemn information was to be taken.f " Sir," said Shaw sternly
to the interviewer (himself!), "it (my play) will be nothing
else than didactic. Do you suppose I have gone to all this
trouble to amuse the public? No, if they want that, there is
the Criterion for them, the Comedy, the Garrick, and so on.
, object is to instruct them." And to explain the allusion \
contained in the title, concerning which speculation was rife,
Shaw remarked to the interviewer : " I have been assured that /
*Mr. William Archer, writing in the World (London), for Wednesday,
December 14th, 1892.
fThe Star, November 29th, 1892. Mr. Archer once told me that there
was little doubt that Shaw wrote the " Interview " in toto.
295
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
in one of the sections of the Bible dealing with the land question
there is a clause against the destruction of widows' houses.
There is no widow in my play ; but there is a widower who owns
slum property. Hence the title. Perhaps you are not familiar
with the Bible." *
After repeated calls from the audience Shaw made an im-
promptu speech at the close of the first performance of Wid-
owers' Houses. He said that " he wished to assure his listeners
that the greeting of the play had been agreeable to him, for
had the story been received lightly he would have been disap-
pointed. What he had submitted to their notice was going on
in actual life. The action of Widowers9 Houses depicted the
ordinary middle-class life of the day, but he heartily hoped the
time would come when the play he had written would be both
utterly impossible and utterly unintelligible. If anyone were to
. /ask him where the Socialism came in, he would say that it was
in the love of their art on Socialistic principles that had induced
the performers to give their services on that occasion. In con-
clusion, he trusted that, above all, the critics would carefully
discriminate between himself and the actors who had so zeal-
ously striven to carry out his intentions." According to a con-
temporary account : " Warm cheers greeted the playwright who
thus candidly and gratefully acknowledged the excellent work
rendered by the players, whilst still proclaiming that his play
was in all particulars the faithful reflex of a sordid and unpity-
ing age."
The play, a nine-days' wonder, was widely paragraphed in
the newspapers, and regarded in some quarters as a daring
attack on middle-class society. The storm of protest aroused
by Widowers9 Houses almost paralleled the howl of execration
evoked by the production of Ibsen's Ghosts in England. Wid-
owers9 Houses was intended as neither a beautiful nor a lovable
work. Shaw confessed years afterwards that the play was
^/entirely unreadable except for the prefaces and appendices,
which he rightly regarded as good. The art of this play was
confessedly the expression of the sense of intellectual and moral
* Matthew xxiii., 14; Mark xii., 38-40; Luke xx., 46-47.
296
v^
THE PLAYWRIGHT— I
perversity ; for Shaw had passed most of his life in big modern
towns, where his sense of beauty had been starved, whilst his
intellect had been gorged with problems like that of the slums.
Widowers' Houses is " saturated with the vulgarity of the life
it represents " ; and, in the first edition of the play, Shaw con-
fesses that he is " not giving expression in pleasant fancies to
the underlying beauty and romance of happy life, but dragging
up to the smooth surface of ' respectability ' a handful of the
slime and foulness of its polluted bed, and playing off your
laughter at the scandal of the exposure against your shudder
at its blackness."
Like Bulwer Lytton, Stevenson, and other nineteenth-century
novelists who turned to the writing of plays, Shaw approached
the theatre lacking due appreciation of the difficulties of
dramatic art, the perfect artistic sincerity it demands. Writing •
his play as a pastime, he employed it as a means of shocking
the sensibilities of his audience as well as of winging a barbed
shaft at its smug respectability. Paying no heed to that golden
mean of " average truth," which Sainte Beuve impressed with
such high seriousness upon the youthful Zola, Shaw indulges
in that extreme form of depicting life, the mutilation of hu-
manity, which Brunetiere pronounced to be the vital defect of
naturalism. A pair of lovers dans cette galere! As Mr. Archer
said at the time : " When they are not acting with a Gilbertian
naivete of cynicism, they are snapping and snarling at each
other like a pair of ill-conditioned curs."
The accusation of indebtedness to Ibsen hurled at Shaw from
all sides as soon as his play was produced was promptly
squelched by Shaw's vigorous denial. It is worth remarking,
however, that " tainted money," that bone of contention in
America and the theme of Shaw's later Major Barbara, is the
abuse which serves as the mark for the satire, both of Ibsen in
An Enemy of the People, and of Shaw in Widowers' Houses.
The perverting effect of ill-gotten gains upon the moral sense
is the lesson of these two plays. Whereas Shaw was content
to uncover the social canker and expose its ravages in all direc-
tions, Ibsen, through the instrumentality of Stockmann, holds
out an ideal for the regeneration of society.
297
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
Widowers9 Houses abounds in flashes of insight, in passages
of trenchant dialogue, in sardonic exposure of human nature;
the keen intellect of the author is everywhere in evidence.
Shaw's vigorous Socialism is largely responsible for the clarity
and succinctness with which the economic point is driven home ;
and the discussions of social problems are tense with a nervous
vivacity almost dramatic in quality. And yet the structural
defect of the play is the loose dramatic connection between the X
economic elucidations and the general psychological processes
of the action.
Before the production of Widowers9 Houses, Shaw publicly
stated that the first two acts were written before he ever heard
of Ibsen ; and afterwards he asserted that his critics " should
have guessed this, because there is not one idea in the play that
cannot be more easily referred to half a dozen English writers
than to Ibsen; whilst of his peculiar retrospective method, by
which his plays are made to turn upon events supposed to have
happened before the rise of the curtain, there is not a trace in
my work." * Shaw laughed incontinently at those people who
excitedly discussed the play as a daringly original sermon, but
who would not accept it as a play on any terms " because its
hero did not, when he learned that his income came from slum
property, at once relinquish it (i.e., make it a present to Sar-
torius without benefiting the tenants), and go to the goldfields
to dig out nuggets with his strong right arm, so that he might
return to wed his Blanche after a shipwreck (witnessed by her
in a vision), just in time to rescue her from beggary, brought
upon her by the discovery that Lickcheese was the rightful
heir to the property of Sartorius, who had dispossessed and
enslaved him by a series of forgeries unmasked by the faithful
Cokane ! "
For the sake of its bearing upon Shaw's subsequent career,
one important contemporary impression deserves to be placed
on record. Five months after the production of Widowers9
Houses, in a review (published May 4th, 1893) of the Inde-
* Appendix I., Widowers' Houses; Independent Theatre edition. Henry
and Co., London, 1893.
298
THE PLAYWRIGHT— I
pendent Theatre edition of that play, Mr. William Archer ear-
nestly endeavoured to dissuade Shaw from turning dramatist.
" It is a pity that Mr. Shaw should labour under a delu-
sion as to the true bent of his talent, and, mistaking an
amusing jeu d'esprit for a work of creative art, should
perhaps be tempted to devote further time and energy to
a form of production for which he has no special ability
and some constitutional disabilities. A man of his power
of mind can do nothing that is altogether contemptible.
We may be quite sure that if he took palette and s com-
menced painter,' or set to work to manipulate a lump of
clay, he would produce a picture or a statue that would
bear the impress of a keen intelligence, and would be well
worth looking at. That is precisely the case of Widowers9
Houses. It is a curious example of what can be done in
art by sheer brain-power, apart from natural aptitude.
For it does not appear that Mr. Shaw has any more
specific talent for the drama than he has for painting or
sculpture."
Shaw's next play, The Philanderer, is distinctly a piece ^oc-
casion and should be read in the light of the attitude of the
British public toward Ibsen and Ibsenism at the time of its
writing. After Miss Janet Achurch's performance as Nora
Helmer in A Doll's House, in 1889, Ibsen became the target of
dramatic criticism; and Shaw's Quintessence of Ibsenism, pub-
lished in 1891, was the big gun, going off when the controversy
was at its height. Sir Edwin Arnold made an editorial attack
on Ibsen, Mr. Frederick Wedmore echoed his denunciation, and
Clement Scott exhausted his vocabulary of vituperation in an
almost hysterical outcry against the foulness and obscenity of
the shameless Norwegian. The Philanderer was written just
when the cult of Ibsen had reached the pinnacle of fatuity.
From Shaw's picture, one is led to suppose that society, with
reference to Ibsen, was roughly divided into three classes: the
conservatives of the old guard, regarding Ibsen as a monstrum
horrendum; the soi-disant Ibsenites, glibly conversant with Ib-
299
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
sen's ideas but profoundly ignorant of their meaning; and,
lastly, those who really understood Ibsen, this class being made
up of two sorts of individuals, those who really intended to
adopt Ibsen principles, and those who were keen and unscrupu-
lous enough to exploit Ibsenism solely for the sake of the sus-
tenance it afforded parasitic growths like themselves. The
ideal of the " womanly woman " still prevailed in English
society. Shaw here readily perceived the possibilities for satire
and tragi-comedy, both in the clash of old prejudices with new
ideas, and in the mordant contrast discovered by the conflict
of the over-sexed, passionate " womanly woman " with the under-
sexed, pallidly intellectual philanderer of the Ibsen school. Had
Shaw's performance been as able as his perception was acute,
The Philanderer would have been a genuine achievement instead
of a grimly promising failure.
y The Philanderer serves as a link between the plays of Shaw's
earlier and later manners. Present marriage laws really have
very little to do with this play, which concerns itself with a
study of social types. Julia is the -fine fleur of feral femininity ;
woman's practice of employing her personal charms unscrupu-
lously and man's practice of treating woman as a mere plaything
both have a share in the formation of her character. Grace
Tranfield is the best type of the advanced woman ; she demands
equality of opportunity for women, rejects the " lord and mas-
ter " theory, and fights always for the integrity of her self-
respect. Between these two women stands Leonard Charteris,
holding the average young cub's cynical ideas about women,
sharpened to acuteness through the intellectual astuteness of
Bernard Shaw. Charteris, in his bloodless Don Juanism, is the
type of the degenerate male flirt — the pallid prey of the maladie
du Steele. " C'est un homme qui ne fait la cour aux femmes
ni pour le bon ni pour le mauvais motif," says M. Filon. " Que
veut-il? S'amuser. Seulement — comme on l'a dit des Anglais
en general — il s'amuse tristement; il y a dans l'attitude de ce
seducteur glacial et degoute quelque chose qui n'est pas tres viril.
On dit la societe anglaise infestee de ces gens-la." *
* M . Bernard Shaw et son ThSdtre, by Augustin Filon. Revue des Deux
Mondes, November 15th, 1905; p. 424.
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Upon the mind of any unprejudiced person, I think, The
Philanderer creates the impression that Shaw's attitude toward
women in this play must have been induced by unpleasant per-
sonal relations with women prior to the time at which the play
/ was written. Many people paid him the insult of recognizing
him in Charteris ; and I have even been told that Shaw was tem-
peramentally not dissimilar to Charteris, at that particular
period. The play is marked by unnaturalness and immaturity
at every turn ; but several scenes exhibit great nervous strength.
Mr. Robert Loraine once remarked to me that, in his opinion,
the first act of The Philanderer was unparalleled in its veri-
similitude, always making him realize the truth of Ibsen's dic-
tum that the modern stage must be regarded as a room of
which one wall has been removed. Mr. Loraine's impression is
fully justified by the fact that the scene is a more or less accu-
rate replica of a scene in Mr. Shaw's own life.
As a play, The Philanderer is crude and amateurish, revolv-
ing upon the pivot of Charteris's satire, and presenting various
features in turn — now extravaganza, now broad farce, now
comedy, now tragi-comedy. With all its brilliant mental vivi-
section, the conversation of Charteris is never natural, but supra-
natural; the utterly gross and caddish indecency of his
exposures would never be tolerated for an instant in polite or
even respectable society. And yet Mr. Shaw once vehemently
assured me : " Charteris is not passionless, not unscrupulous,
and a sincere, not a pseudo, Ibsenist " ! Cuthbertson is a cari-
cature of Clement Scott; and, in virtually the same words used
by Scott in his attacks upon Ibsen, Cuthbertson avows that
the whole modern movement is abhorrent to him " because his
life had been passed in witnessing scenes of suffering nobly
endured and sacrifice willingly rendered by womanly women
and manly men." The mannerisms of Craven, " Now really " in
especial, are taken directly, Mr. Shaw once told me, from Mr.
H. M. Hyndman, the English Socialist leader. Dr. Paramore
is the puppet of broad farce, immune to all humane concern
through inoculation with the deadly germ of scientific research ;
while Sylvia is merely the pert little soubrette. The inverted
Gilbertism of Colonel Craven's : " Do you mean to say that I am
302
THE PLAYWRIGHT— I
expected to treat my daughter the same as I would any other
girl? Well, dash me if I will!" faintly strikes the note of
Falsacappa, the brigand chief, in Meilhac and Halevy's The
Brigands: "Marry my daughter to an honest man! Never!"
— a phrase with which Mr. W. S. Gilbert afterwards did such
execution in The Pirates of Penzance.
When The Philanderer was published in 1898, the public was
puzzled and astounded to read an " attack " on Ibsen by Ibsen's
most valiant champion in England! So shocked was Mr.
Archer by this " outrage upon art and decency " that he wanted
to " cut " his colleague and friend in the street. The Philan-
derer thus laid the foundation of Shaw's reputation as a cynic
and a paradoxer. It is chiefly interesting to-day as a fore-
shadowing and promise of the lines of development of the later
dramatist. Superficially, this play mirrors the glaring, even
tragic contrast between faddist idealization of Ibsen, and sin-
cere realization of Ibsenism. But, in the light of subsequent
events, the play rather teaches that Charteris as male flirt is the
model for the sketchy Valentine, that Julia is the Ann Whitefield
of a more natural and less self-conscious phase. Throughout
the play we are reminded of the brutal laughter of Wedekind,
the sardonic humour of Becque, and, in places, even of the dark
levity of Ibsen himself. The portrayal of Julia is remarkable,
in spite of the damaging error of representing her as fit sub-
ject for the police court — mentally arrested in development,
victim of violent " brain-storms," unscrupulous, treacherous,
deceitful, feline. And yet, by some marvellous trick of sub-
tle art, the author has caused this creature to win our pro-
found sympathy in the end. After all, her love for Charteris
is genuine and sincere; and the scene between Grace and
Julia, after the latter has accepted Dr. Paramore, is pro-
foundly touching:
Grace (speaking in a low voice to Julia alone) : So you
have shown him that you can do without him! Now
I take back everything I said. Will you shake hands
with me? (Julia gives her hand painfully, with her
face averted.) They think this a happy ending,
303
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
Julia — these men — our lords and masters! {The two
stand silent, hand in hand.)
The human drama of this play, merely sketched though it
be, is the conflict in Julia's soul between her violent passion for
Charteris and her true impulse toward self-respect. The
quintessence of her tragedy is expressed in her last tilt with
Charteris. He walks up to congratulate her, proffering his
hand.
Julia (exhausted, allowing herself to take it) : You are
right. I am a worthless woman.
Charteris (triumphant, and gaily remonstrating): Oh,
why?
Julia: Because I am not brave enough to kill you.
Shaw's next play, Mrs. Warren's Profession, completed his
first cycle of economic studies in dramatic form; and at one
stroke demonstrated Shaw to be a dramatist of marked powers
and ability. Shaw's account of the genesis of this play is an
important link in its history. In regard to the title, Shaw
says : " The tremendously effective scene — which a baby could
write if its sight were normal — in which she (Mrs. Warren)
justifies herself, is only a paraphrase of a scene in a novel of
my own, ' Cashel Byron's Profession ' (hence the title, Mrs.
Warren's Profession), in which a prize-fighter shows how he
was driven into the ring exactly as Mrs. Warren was driven
on the streets." Shaw met the charge of indebtedness to Ibsen
and De Maupassant with the statement that, if a dramatist
living in the world of multifarious interests, duties and experi-
ences in which he lived has to go to books for his ideas and
his inspiration, he must be both blind and deaf. " Most
dramatists are," he laconically added. So Mrs. Warren's Pro-
fession came about in this way:
" Miss Janet Achurch mentioned to me a novel by some
French writer as having a dramatizable story in it. It
304
THE PLAYWRIGHT— I
being hopeless to get me to read anything, she told me the
story, which was ultra-romantic. I said, ' Oh, I will work
out the real truth about that mother some day.' In the
following autumn I was the guest of a lady of very dis-
tinguished ability — one whose knowledge of English social
types is as remarkable as her command of industrial and
political questions. She suggested that I should put on the
stage a real modern lady of the governing class — not the
sort of thing that theatrical and critical authorities im-
agine such a lady to be. I did so; and the result was
Miss Vivie Warren, who has laid the intellect of Mr. Wil-
liam Archer in ruins. ... I finally persuaded Miss
Achurch, who is clever with her pen, to dramatize the story
herself on the original romantic lines. Her version is
called Mrs. Daintry's Daughter. That is the history of
Mrs. Warren's Profession. I never dreamt of Ibsen or De
Maupassant, any more than a blacksmith shoeing a horse
thinks of the blacksmith in the next county." *
Of course, one blacksmith cannot possibly know what another
blacksmith in the next county is doing. But Shaw was not
only aware of what Ibsen was doing and had done: he had
actually written a remarkable analysis of Ibsen's plays and,
with his utmost critical skill, defended Ibsen's art and philos-
ophy, on the platform and in the press, against the ablest
critics in England. As clearly as Ghosts does Mrs. Warren's
Profession reveal the truth of George Eliot's dictum that conse-
quences are unpitying; a true drama of catastrophe, employ-
ing Ibsen's peculiar retrospective method, Shaw's play exem-
plifies, in Amiel's words, the fatality of the consequences which
follow every human act. Nora as daughter, instead of Nora
as wife, Vivie leaves her home under the same profound con-
viction of her duty to herself as a human being — a duty in-
finitely more obligatory than any she may be conventionally
imagined to owe to a Magdalen mother, who has educated and
* Mr. Shaw's Method and Secret, letter to the editor of the Daily
Chronicle, April 30th, 1898, signed G. Bernard Shaw. In the first draft,
the play was entitled Mrs. Jarman's Profession.
305
/
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
purposes to support her out of the profits of a profession which
as its roots in the most hideous of all social evils.*
Mrs. Warren's Profession towers high above his first two
plays, and places Shaw in the front rank of contemporary dra-
matic craftsmen. Its strength proceeds from the depth dis-
played in the consideration of the motives which prompt to
action, the intellectual and emotional crises eventuating from the
fierce clash of personalities and the sardonically unconscious self-
scourging of the characters themselves. The scenes are so ad-
mirably ordered, the procedure so swift, the situations so
charged with significance that one can find little to wonder at
in Mr. Cunninghame Graham's characterization of Mrs. War-
ren's Profession as " the best that has been written in English
in our generation." Tense, nervous, vigorous, the great scenes
are full of " that suppleness, that undulation of emotional
process," which Mr. Archer pronounces one of the unmistakable
tokens of dramatic mastery. The tremendous dramatic power
of the specious logic with which Mrs. Warren defends her
course ; the sardonic irony of the parting between mother and
daughter! Goethe said of Moliere that he chastises men by
drawing them just as they are. True descendant of Moliere,
whom he once declared to be worth a thousand Shakespeares,
Shaw wields upon vice the shrieking scourge, not of the preacher,
but of the dramatist. Out of the mouths of the characters
themselves proceeds their own condemnation. Devastating in
its consummate irony is the passage in which Mrs. Warren, con-
ventional to her heart's core, lauds her own respectability ; and
that in which Crofts propounds his own code of honour:
Crofts : My code is a simple one, and, I think, a good one :
Honour between man and man; fidelity between
* It should be clearly pointed out that Shaw is in no sense indebted to
Ibsen for dissatisfaction with the existent social order. The facts of
Shaw's life disprove the statement of Dr. Georg Brandes {Bernard Shaw's
Teater, in Politikken, Copenhagen, December 29th, 1902): "What Shaw
chiefly owes to Ibsen, whose harbinger he was, seems to be a tendency
towards rebellion against commonly recognized prejudices, dramatic as well
as social." Shaw's attacks upon modern capitalistic society, both in Wid-
owers' Houses and in Mrs. Warren's Profession, are the immediate fruits
of his Socialism and his economic studies.
306
THE PLAYWRIGHT— I
man and woman; and no cant about this or that
religion, but an honest belief that things are mak-
ing for good on the whole.
Vivie (with biting irony) : " A power, not ourselves, that
makes for righteousness," eh?
Ceofts (taking her seriously): Oh, certainly, not our-
selves, of course. You understand what I mean.
Dr. Brandes called Ibsen's Ghosts, if not the greatest achieve-
ment, at any rate the noblest action of the poet's career. Mrs.
Warren's Profession is not only what Brunetiere would call a
work of combat : it is an act — an act of declared hostility against
capitalistic society, the inertia of public opinion, the lethargy
of the public conscience, and the criminality of a social order
which begets such appalling social conditions. Into this play
Shaw has poured all his Socialistic passion for a more just and
humane social order.
As an arraignment of social conditions, the play is tre-
mendous. As a work of art, it presents marked deficiencies.
Shaw sought to dispose of one charge — that Vivie is merely
Shaw in petticoats — in these words : " One of my female char-
acters, who drinks whisky and smokes cigars and reads detective
stories and regards the fine arts, especially music, as an insuf-
ferable and unintelligible waste of time, has been declared by
my friend, Mr. William Archer, to be an exact and authentic
portrait of myself, on no other grounds in the world except
that she is a woman of business and not a creature of romantic
impulse." It is clear that this is not a satisfactory answer
to Mr. Archer's charge; but even in more minor details, the
play is open to criticism: the futility of Praed, save as a bare-
faced confidant; the cheap melodrama of Frank and the rifle;
the series of coincidences culminating in the Rev. Mr. Gard-
ner's miserably confused " Miss Vavasour, I believe ! " at the
end of the first act. More important still, as Mr. Archer once
pointed out,* there is nothing of the inevitable in the meeting
* Study and Stage, by William Archer, in the Daily News, June 21st,
1902.
307
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
of Frank and Vivie, despite Shaw's assertion that " the chil-
dren of any polyandrous group will, when they grow up, inevita-
bly be confronted with the insoluble problem of their own possi-
ble consanguinity." Had Vivie not happened to take lodgings
at that particular farmhouse in Surrey, she would never have
seen or heard of Frank, and the " inevitable " would never have
happened. But this single lapse of logic, together with the
other defects mentioned, are comparatively venial faults —
which Shaw probably classes among those " relapses into stagi-
ness " betraying, as he confessed, " the young playwright and
the old playgoer in this early work of mine."
/It is the predominance of a certain hard, sheer rationalism,
V/and a defiant, irresponsible levity in places, which mars the
artistic unity of the play, and denies it the exalted rank to
which it well-nigh attains. At the fundamental morality of the
play there is no cause to cavil. Instead of maintaining an asso-
ciation in the imagination of the spectators between prostitution
and fashionable beauty, luxury and refinement, as do La Dame
aux Camellias, The Second Mrs. Tanqueray, Iris, Zaza and
countless other modern plays, Mrs. Warren's Profession exhibits
the life of the courtesan in all its arid actuality, and inculcates
a lesson of the sternest morality. It is because she is what she
is that Mrs. Warren loses her daughter irrevocably. In gen-
eral, the logic of the play is unimpeachable ; but the rationalist
character imparted to the conversations of the principal char-
acters by their persistence in arguing everything out logically ,
gives the play a sort of glacial rigidity. The principal defect V
of the play is the discrepancy between the tragic seriousness
of the theme and the occasional depressing levity of its treat-
ment. Consonance between theme and tone is the prime requisite
of a work of art. This remarkable play falls just short of ^/^
real greatness because its whimsical, facetious, irrepressible au-
thor was unable to discipline himself to artistic self-restraint.
Mrs. Warren's Profession is calculated to produce an almost
unendurable effect because, as Mr. Archer wisely says, Bernard
Shaw is " the slave of his sense of the ridiculous."
V The close of the year 1893 marks the beginning of a new
308
THE PLAYWRIGHT— I
i^phase in the evolution of Shaw's art as a dramatist. As
Brunetiere said to the Symbolists, so the English public said
to Mr. Grein and his supporters of the Independent Theatre
Society : " Gentlemen, produce your masterpieces ! " Shaw
eagerly took up the case; and rather than let it collapse, he
" manufactured the evidence." His first play met with a succes
de scandcde; his second failed of production ; and his third, the
expected " masterpiece," was debarred by the censorship. The
union of economics and Socialism in thesis-plays met with no
favour at the hands of the British public. Shaw was forced to
relinquish for the time being his purpose of reforming the public
through the medium of the stage. His original disavowal of any
intent to amuse the public went for naught in default of a
platform from which to deliver instruction.
Shaw's social determinism, as M. Auguste Hamon once ex-
pressed it to me, is " absolute " : his fundamental Socialism
throws the blame, not upon Trench, Charteris, Crofts and Mrs.
Warren, as individuals, but upon the prevailing social order,
the capitalistic regime, which offers them as alternatives, not
morality and immorality, but two sorts of immorality.* Upon
each individual in his audience, whether in the study or in the
theatre, Shaw threw the burden of responsibility for defective
social organization, and for those social horrors which can
only be mitigated, and, perhaps, ultimately abolished, by public
opinion, public action and public contribution. Mr. Shaw once
described this play to me as a faithful presentment of the
" economic basis of modern commercial prostitution." But the
managers well knew that the public was averse to being forced
to face the unpleasant facts set forth in Shaw's three " un-
pleasant " plays. The rigour of the censorship and prevailing
theatrical conditions in London were hostile to Shaw's initial
efforts.
" You cannot write three plays and then stop," Shaw has
•Compare The Author's Apology, the preface to the Stage Society edi-
tion of Mrs. Warren's Profession (Grant Richards, London, 1902), pp.
xxvii. and xxviii. in especial; and also Mainly About Myself, the preface to
Vol. I. of Plays, Pleasant and Unpleasant, pp. xxix-xxxi. in the American
edition (H. S. Stone and Co., Chicago, 1902).
309
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
explained. Accordingly, for obvious reasons, social determin-
ism ceased to be the motive force of Shaw's dramas ; and he
began to write plays concerned more particularly with the J
comedy and tragedy of individual life and destiny. Shaw did *
not cease to be a satirist, did not desist from his effort to
startle the public out of its bland complacency: he merely
diverted for the time being the current of his satire from social
abuses to the shams, pretences, illusions and self-deceptions of
individual life. Having learned to beware of solemnity, Shaw ^
makes the satiric jest his point of departure. From this time
forward he occupies and operates upon a new plane. He has
ceased to be purely the social scavenger. Bernard Shaw's
comedy of manners and of character now enters into the history
of British drama.
Arms and the Man — obviously deriving its title from the |/
Arma virumque cano of the opening line of Virgil's 2Eneid —
is one of Shaw's most delightful comedies — a genuine comedy
of character and yet theatrical in the true sense, Dr. Brandes
has called it. Not the least of its virtues is the implicitness of
its philosophy; perhaps this is one reason why Mr. Shaw (as
he lately remarked to me) now considers it a very slight and
immature production ! From one point of view, this play may
be regarded as a study of the psychology of the military pro-
fession.* From another point of view — the standpoint of the
regular playgoer — the play has for its dramatic essence the
collision of romantic illusion with prosaic reality.
To many people the play appeared as a " damning sneer at
military courage," an attempted demonstration of the astound-
ing thesis that heroism is merely a sublimated form of cow-
ardice ! When King Edward — then Prince of Wales — witnessed
a performance of the play, he could not be induced to smile
even once ; and afterwards it was reported that " his Royal
Highness regretted that the play should have shown so dis-
respectful an attitude toward the Army as was betrayed by
* Compare La Psychologie du Militaire Professionel, by Auguste Hamon,
which appeared in November, 1893. I have no reason to believe that
Shaw was under any indebtedness to this book in writing Arms and the
Man.
310
AVENUE
THEATRE. NORTHUMBERLAND ^AVENUE, CHARINB CROSS. W.C.
Manager *""" Mr C. T H. HELMSLKY
A CHORUS OF APPROVAL
PROM THE
ENTIRE PRESS.
TEN MINUTES TO NINE
ARMS z MAN
BY BERNARD SHAW
11 -"mi ii i Mm iixr^n.i.niT. <nrTiinW>M
*FECSS WORLD SAYS
"There is not the least doubt
that 'Arms and the Man* is one
of the most amusing entertainments
at present before the Public. It is
quite as funny as ' CHARLEY'S AUHTF
or 'THE WEW BOY1; we laughed at
it wildly, hysterically; and I exhort
the reader to go and do likewise."
THE SVwA.SK SATS:-
"My sides are still aching with
laughter^
VAKTIT.1? PAIR SAYS-
" Everybody ought to go and see
this Play/; &__
NOTE.- For remainder, please see Advertisement in Morning PaperB'-the full-
Lsi being too long- to quote here.
Playbill of Arms and the Man.
Avenue Theatre, London. April 21st, 1894. First production on any stage.
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
the character of the chocolate-cream soldier." * Bluntschli is
a natural realist, to whom long military service has taught the
salutary lesson that bullets are to be avoided, not sought ; that
the main object of the efficient soldier is not the bubble reputa-
tion at the cannon's mouth, but practical success and the
preservation of life. Shaw had never seen service, never par-
ticipated in a battle — save the battle of Trafalgar Square.
•'But he happened to be a modern realist with a tremendous fund
of satire and fantasy. And although he had to get his data at
second hand, he experienced no difficulty in finding abundant
material, to authenticate his presentment of the common-sense
soldier, in great realistic fiction such as Zola's La Debacle, in
classic autobiography such as Marbot's Memoirs, and in the
recorded experiences of English and American generals, notably
Lord Wolseley and General Horace Porter. People were in-
clined to laugh Shaw's play out of court as an exercise no more
serious than that of a " mowing down military ideals with volleys
of chocolate creams." Yet Shaw knew a man who lived for two
days in the Shipka Pass on chocolate; while some years later,
during the Boer war, Queen Victoria presented every soldier
in the British army with a ration of chocolate — chocolate which
Liebig pronounced the most perfect food in the world. The
idea of an officer carrying an empty pistol! And yet Lord
Wolseley mentions Wo officers who seldom carried any weapons,
and one of them was Gordon. Bluntschli's hysterical condition
in the first act finds its analogue in General Porter's account
describing the condition of his troops after a battle. And
Bluntschli's delightful description of a cavalry charge finds its
analogue, not in the Tennysonian Charge of the Light Brigade,
but in the account of this charge as given by the popular his-
torian Kinglake; and, as a matter of fact, Shaw's description
* Compare the reminiscences on the Avenue Theatre production, by
Mr. Yorke Stephens, who played the part of Bluntschli; Music and the
Drama, in the Daily Chronicle, November 6th, 1906. It was at the premiere
at the Avenue Theatre that Shaw, called before the audience, found him-
self disarmed by lack of opposition. A solitary malcontent in the gallery
began to boo: Bernard was himself again. Looking up at the belligerent
oppositionist, he said with an engaging smile: "My friend, I quite agree
with you — but what are we two against so many?"
312
THE PLAYWRIGHT— I
was taken almost verbatim from an account given privately
to a friend of Shaw's by an officer who served in the Franco-
Prussian war. The catalogue might easily be extended; suffice
it to say that, irrespective of the totality of impression, there
can be no question of the credibility of the separate incidents
in the play, which furnished such ready targets for critical
marksmanship.*
w^From the dramatic side, Arms and the Man is far less a
" realistic " comedy than a satiric exposure of the illusions of
warfare, of love, of romantic idealism. Of course, Shaw im-
parts an air of pleasing likelihood to the racial traits or char-
acters, and the local colour of the scenes; and, as Dr. Brandes
has remarked, in Bernard Shaw's choice of themes one feels
the mental suppleness of the modern critic, with his ability to
throw himself sympathetically into different historic periods and
into the minds of different races. In Arms and the Man, " the
whole environment is characteristic, the people of most refine-
ment being proud of washing themselves ' almost every day,' and
of owning a ' library,' the only one in the district. Everything
smacks of the Balkan Peninsula, even to the waiting-maid and
the man-servant, with their half -Asiatic mingling of forward-
ness and servility." t To be accurate, Shaw sketches in his
milieu with the very lightest of strokes. Bluntschli might just
* Compare Shaw's brilliant article, A Dramatic Realist to His Critics, in
the New Review, September, 1894, appearing two months after the close of
the run of Arms and the Man at the Avenue Theatre. In A Word about
Stepniak, in To-Morrow, February, 1896, Mr. Shaw says: "He (Stepniak)
studiously encouraged me to think well of my own work, and went into
the questions of Bulgarian manners and customs for me when I was pre-
paring my play Arms and the Man for the stage as if the emancipation of
Russia was a matter of comparatively little importance. ... To him I owe
the assistance I received from that Bulgarian admiral in whose existence
the public, regarding Bulgaria as an inland State, positively declined to
believe."
t Der Dramatiker Bernard Shaw : in Gestalten und Gedanken, by Georg
Brandes, Miinchen-Langen, 1903. " Human nature is very much the same,
always and everywhere," Shaw explained. " And when I go over my play
to put the details right I find there is surprisingly little to alter. Arms and
the Man, for example, was finished before I had decided where to set the
scene, and then it only wanted a word here and there to put matters
straight. You see, I know human nature"!
313
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
as well have served in a war between Peru and Chili, or Greece
and Turkey; while for all practical purposes, the scene might
just as well have been laid along the coasts of Bohemia. I have
long contended that Arms and the Man was not a play,
but a light opera ; and now comes Oscar Straus to compose
the music for the libretto adapted from Shaw's Bulgarian
fantasy.
Mr. Shaw once told me that his two friends, Sidney Webb,
the solid and the practical, and Cunninghame Graham, the
hidalgesque and fantastic, suggested the contrast between
Bluntschli and SaranofF. " The identity," he explained, " only
lies on the surface, of course. I But the true dramatist must'
always find his contrasts in real life.") And it will be recalled
that the rodomontade placed with such ludicrous effect in the
mouth of the Bulgarian braggadocio, had actually been used,
with equally telling effect, by Mr. Cunninghame Graham in a
speech in the House of Commons. Shaw promptly stole the
potent phrase, " I never withdraw," for the sake of its perfect
style, and used it as a cockade for Sergius the Sublime. The
great charm of the play consists in the disillusionment of the
romantic Raina and the sham-idealist Saranoff by the practical
realism of the common-sense Bluntschli. A Bulgarian Byron,
Sergius is perpetually mocked by the disparity between his
imaginative ideals and the disillusions which continually sting
his sensitive nature. And the true tragedy of the idealist, in the
Shavian frame of mind, is summed up in his words, " Damna-
tion ! mockery everywhere ! Everything that I think is mocked
by everything that I do." And Shaw himself has said :
" My Bulgarian hero, quite as much as Helmer in A
DolVs House, was a hero shown from the modern woman's
point of view. I complicated the psychology by making
him catch glimpse after glimpse of his o>vn aspect and
conduct from this point of view himself, as all men are
beginning to do more or less now, the result, of course,
being the most horrible dubiety on his part as to whether
he was really a brave and chivalrous gentleman, or a hum-
bug and a moral coward. His actions, equally of course,
^
THE PLAYWRIGHT— I
were hopelessly irreconcilable with either theory. Need
I add that if the straightforward Helmer, a very honest
and orinary middle-class man misled by false ideals of
womanhood, bewildered the public and was finally set down
as a selfish cad by all the Helmers in the audience, a fortiori
my introspective Bulgarian never had a chance, and was
dismissed, with but moderately spontaneous laughter, as a
swaggering impostor of the species for which contemporary
slang has invented the term e bounder ' ? " *
Arms and the Man has laid its hold upon the modern imagina-
tion, and has been produced all over the world. What more
delightful than to have seen Bluntschli interpreted by the
actors of our generation — by Mansfield, with his quaintly dry
cynicism, by Jarno, with a humour racy of the soil, by Mantzius,
with scholarly accuracy, by Sommerstorff, with a touch of ro-
mance!— by Loraine, Nhil, Stephens, Daly. It is quite true
that the play is loose in form, oscillating between comedy and
fantastic farce, and that even now it is already beginning to
" date." But its fantasy, its satire, and its genial philosophy
will amply suffice to give it a long lease on life.f Shaw's own
confidence in his power as a dramatist and in the future of the
play is humorously expressed in characteristic style in the fol-
* From Shaw's preface to Mr. Archer's The Theatrical World of 1894,
pp. xxvii-xxviii. In view of the interest manifested in Arms and the
Man at the time of its first production in 1894, Mr. Archer requested Mr.
Shaw to say something about it in this preface.
" 't Arms and the Man has, most appropriately, furnished the "book"
.for a comic opera, entitled The Chocolate Soldier, written by Bernauer and
Jacobson, music by Oscar Straus, the popular composer. It was to be
expected that there would be many " comic " attractions in the adaptation
of Mr. Shaw's play. Of course, all the complications, such as the incident
of the incriminating photograph, are multiplied by three: Nicola disappears
and Louka makes way for Mascha, now the cousin of Raina. In the end
all are happily mated. In consequence of the " comic variations " from the
original play, Mr. Shaw insisted that the programme contain a frank
apology for this "unauthorized parody of one of Mr. Bernard Shaw's
comedies." First successfully produced at the Theater des Westens, Ber-
lin, 1909, The Chocolate Soldier, both for the borrowed, if parodied, clever-
ness, and the delightful music, has since won great popularity through the
productions of Mr. F. C. Whitney (English version by Mr. Stanislaus
Stange), in New York (May, 1910) and London (September, 1910).
315
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
lowing letter written in response to an apologetic note from
his American agent, Miss Elisabeth Marbury, accompanying a
meagre remittance for royalties on Arms and the Man:
" Rapacious Elisabeth Marbury,
" What do you want me to make a fortune for? Don't
you know that the draft you sent me will permit me to
live and preach Socialism for six months? The next time
you have so large an amount to remit, please send it to me
by instalments, or you will put me to the inconvenience of
having a bank account. What do you mean by giving me
advice about writing a play with a view to the box-office
receipts? I shall continue writing just as I do now for the
next ten years. After that we can wallow in the gold
poured at our feet by a dramatically regenerated public."
Arms and the Man is an injunction to found our institutions,
in Shaw's little-understood phrase, not on " the ideals suggested
to our imagination by our half-satisfied passions," but on a
"genuinely scientific natural history."
• A distinguished dramatic critic once said to me that he re-
garded all of Shaw's works as derivative literature. Shaw's
first three plays were traced to Ibsen, to De Maupassant, to
Strindberg ; and won for him the flattering title of the " second-
hand Brummagem Ibsen " (William Winter) ! And after wit-
nessing two acts of Arms and the Man at the Avenue Theatre,
Mr. Archer began to have a misgiving that he had wandered
by mistake into The Palace of Truth. The relation of the art
of Bernard Shaw to the art of W. S. Gilbert is one of much
delicate intricacy; and deserves more than casual mention.
Shaw has declared that those who regard the function of a
writer as " creative " are the most illiterate of dupes, that in
his business he knows me and te, not meum and tuum, and that
he himself is " a crow who has followed many plows." In a
vein of mocking acknowledgment, Shaw once spoke of the seri-
ousness with which he had pondered the jests of W. S. Gilbert.
^ A careful critical examination of the methods of Shaw and
Gilbert reveals the undoubted resemblance, as well as the funda-
316
THE PLAYWRIGHT— I
mental dissimilarity, of these two satiric interpreters of human
nature.*
One particular incident in Arms and the Man seems to derive
directly from an incident in Gilbert's Engaged. The scene in
which Nicola advises Louka, his betrothed, to gain a hold over
Sergius, marry him ultimately, and so " come to be one of my
grandest customers, instead of only being my wife and costing
me money," is but a paraphrase and inversion of that ludicrous
scene in Engaged, in which " puir little Maggie Macfarlane "
advises her lover, Angus Macalister, to resign her to Cheviot-
Hill for the princely consideration of two pounds. Aside from
this one minor similarity, Arms and the Man is very different
from a Gilbert play. For purposes of general comparison,
turn once more to Engaged — which will serve as well as any
of the works of Gilbert — for this passage :
Cheviot-Hill (suddenly seeing her) : Maggie, come here.
Angus, do take your arm from around that
girl's waist. Stand back, and don't you
listen. Maggie, three months ago I told
you I loved you passionately; to-day I tell
you that I love you as passionately as ever ;
I may add that I am still a rich man. Can
you oblige me with a postage-stamp?
Here, not only is the comic note struck by the juxtaposition of
two essential incongruities: in addition, the farcicality of the
idea stamps it as impossible. It is an admirable illustration of
that exquisite sense of quaint unexpectedness, evoked by the
* Shaw has been charged with indebtedness, not only to W. S. Gilbert,
but to earlier topsy-turvyists. In April, 1906, there appeared in the New
York Tribune a " deadly parallel " between A rms and the Man and Used
Up, adapted from the French by Charles Mathews in 1845. As a matter
of fact, the passage cited — Bluntschli's proposal for the hand of Raina
(compared with Sir Charles Coldstream's for the hand of Lady Clutter-
buck) — is neither an imitation of Mathews, nor a triumph of eccentric in-
vention, but a paraphrase, Shaw unqualifiedly asserts, of an actual proposal
made by an Austrian hotel proprietor for the hand of a member of Mr.
Shaw's own family.
317,
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
plays of both Gilbert and Shaw. Take now a scene of some-
what cognate appeal in Arms and the Man. In both scenes the
bid is for sudden laughter, through the startle of surprise.
Bluntschli flatly tells Raina to her face that he finds it impossi-
ble to believe a single thing she says.
Raina (gasping) : I ! I ! ! ! (She points to herself incredu-
lously, meaning, " J, Raina Petkoff, tell lies! " He
meets her gaze unflinchingly. She suddenly sits down
beside him, and adds, with a complete change of man-
ner from the heroic to the familiar.) How did you
find me out?
Bluntschli (promptly) : Instinct, dear young lady. In-
stinct, and experience of the world.
Raina (wonderingly) : Do you know, you are the first man
I ever met who did not take me seriously?
Bluntschli : You mean, don't you, that I am the first man
that has ever taken you quite seriously?
Raina: Yes, I suppose I do mean that. (Cosily, quite at
her ease with him.) How strange it is to be talked
to in such a way ! . . .
Gilbert employs a device of the simplest mechanism, giving
merely the shock of unexpected contrast. Shaw's spiritual ad-^/
venture is an excogitated bit of psychology, of intellectual con-
tent and rational crescendo. It is the Shavian trick of putting
into dialogue the revealing, accusatory words seldom spoken in
real life.
This calls to mind a resemblance — with a difference — between
Shaw and Gilbert. In Gilbert's The Palace of Truth each char-
acter indulges in frank self-revelation. Enchanted by the spell
of a certain locality, everyone is compelled to speak his whole
thought without disguise, under the delusion that he is only
indulging in the usual polite insincerities. All this self-analysis
and self -exposure goes for naught but to evoke laughter; for,
lacking either profound insight into human nature or cynical
distrust of humanity, Gilbert is incapable cf trenchant gen-
eralization. In Shaw's plays, people play the game of " Truth "
318
THE PLAYWRIGHTV-I
for all there is in it ; and perhaps Shaw's greatest capacity is the
capacity for generalization. Shaw's incomparable superiority \r
to Gilbert consists in his acute perception and subtle delineation
of the comic, and often tragic, inconsistencies of genuine human
character. Shaw has succeeded in revealing certain subcon-1^
scious sides of human nature that usually remain hidden because
dramatists fail to put into the mouths of their creations the
real thoughts that clamour for expression. One almost always
hears their superficial selves speaking solely through the voluble
medium of society or the reticent medium of self.
v/ Not only in philosophic grasp, but also in imagination, does
Shaw excel Gilbert; an incident will suffice to explain. Mr.
John Corbin once told me that in comparing Shaw and Gilbert,
he had instanced to Mr. Henry Arthur Jones the play of Pyg-
malion and Galatea, as showing that, after all, Gilbert had a
heart and an imagination for beauty. " Ah, yes ! " replied Mr.
Jones. " But Gilbert never could have written that line in
Casar and Cleopatra:
Cesar: What has Rome to show me that I have not seen
already? One year of Rome is like another, ex-
cept that I grow older, whilst the crowd in the
Appian way is always the same age."
Philosophically speaking, Gilbert's characters accept without
question the current ideals of life and conduct ; and make ludi-
crous spectacles of themselves in the effort to live up to them.
y Shaw's creations discover the hollowness and vanity of these
same current ideals, and gain freedom in escape from their
obsession. As Mr. Walkley once put it : " Gilbertism consists in
the ironic humour to be got out of the spectacle of a number
of people hypocritically pretending, or naively failing, to act
up to ideals which Mr. Gilbert and his people hold to be valid.
. . . Shavianism consists in the ironic humour to be got out of
the spectacle of a number of people trying to apply the current
ideas only to find in the end that they won't work." * Let us
*Mr. Bernard Shaw's Plays, in Frames of Mind (Grant Richards, Lon-
don, 1889), p. 47.
319
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
have done with rating of Shaw as a cheap imitator of Gilbert.
It is quite true that Gilbert anticipated Shaw by many years
in the use of the device of open confession — the characters
naively " making a clean breast " of things ; but the device was
handed on to Shaw for legitimate use instead of for farcical
misuse. In any deep sense, Shaw owes nothing to Gilbert; and
his paradoxes, unlike Gilbert's, are the outcome of a profound
study of human nature and of contemporary civilization. " Gil-
bert would have anticipated me," Mr. Shaw once assured me,
" if he had taken his paradoxes seriously. But it does not
seem to have occurred to him that he had found any real flaw
in conventional morality — only that he had found out how to
make logical quips at its expense. His serious plays are all
conventional. Most of the revolutionary ideas have come up
first as jests ; and Gilbert did not get deeper than this stage."
Arms and the Man is the first of four plays which I class
v in a category by themselves — the plays constructed in the loose
and variegated comedic form, presumably designed to be " pop-
ular " and to amuse the public, fantastically treated, and im-
bued with a mild philosophy held strictly implicit.* These four
plays are Arms and the Man, You Never Can Tell, How He
Lied to Her Husband and Captain Brassbound's Conversion. In
You Never Can Tell Shaw deliberately made concessions to that
coy monster, the British public. Thitherto he had in large
measure disdained the task of complying with the demands of
London audiences for a popular comedy, combining his oft-
praised cynical brilliancy and his talent for " giving furiously
to think," with his unquestioned ability to amuse. Shaw's real-
ization of the truth of Moliere's words : " Cest une Strange
entreprise que celle de faire rire les honnetes gens," did not in
the least deter him from embarking upon this perilous under-
taking. In You Never Can Tell he gave himself up wholly to
the hazardous task, tentatively inaugurated in Arms and the
Man, of attempting to amuse that public which had so per-
sistently refused, so defiantly scorned, his instruction. You
Never Can Tell was Shaw's propitiatory sacrifice to recalcitrant
* By this method of treatment, chronology is of necessity sacrificed to
logic.
320
THE PLAYWRIGHT— I
London. Strange to say, this deliberate concession to popular
demand even his most lenient censors refused to validate.* Lon-
don, matching Shaw for whimsicality, was no whit propitiated
by his proposal of a mariage de convenance with that doubtful
character, public opinion. Shaw has taken Shakespeare himself
to task for pandering to public taste in a play coolly entitled
As You Like It. When the " Dramatist of Donnybrook Fair,"
as Mr. Corbin calls him, sets out to write As You Like It, what
is the result? "You Never Can Tell!" It was nine years
before Shaw was able to change his tentative and dubious, " You
Never Can Tell ! " into a triumphant, " I told you so ! "
" I think it must have been in the year 1895," one reads in
some reminiscences by Mr. Cyril Maude, the well-known English
actor, " that the devil put it into the mind of a friend of mine
to tempt me with news of a play called Candida, by a writer
named Bernard Shaw, of whom until then I had never heard." f
Mr. Maude wrote to Shaw, suggesting that he be allowed to see
the play in question. In characteristic vein, the author replied
that the play would not suit the needs of the Haymarket The-
atre, offering, however, to write a new play instead; which Mr.
Maude protests he never asked Shaw to do, yet to which he
interposed no objection. Whereupon Shaw took a chair in Re-
gent's Park for the whole season, and sat there, in the public
eye, we are told, writing the threatened play.
It was not until the winter of 1897 that this play, You Never
Can Tell, came into Mr. Maude's hands. It was accepted, and
actually put into rehearsal. From that very moment things
began to go wrong. Shaw proposed impossible casts, dictated ^^
* Preferring to see Shaw fail seriously rather than succeed farcically, Mr.
Archer sternly admonished him to "quit his foolishness"; and Mr. Shaw's
former champion of Independent Theatre days, Mr. J. T. Grein, gently but
firmly advised him never again to send up any more such ballons d'essai.
t The Haymarket Theatre (Grant Richards, London, 1903). Chapter
XIV. (from which the above and following quotations are taken), Mr.
Maude says, " was sent to me as an aid to the completion of this work. It
professes to deal with that period of our management when we rehearsed
a piece by the brilliant Mr. Bernard Shaw. The writer, I am assured, is
well fitted to deal with that period. I leave it to the reader to judge, and
to guess its authorship." Needless to say that the author was Bernard
Shaw himself!
321
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
\/to each actor in turn, equalled his own John Tanner in endless
and torrential talk. Actor after actor, led by the genial Jack
Barnes, withdrew in fatigue and disgust. One day Shaw in-
sulted the entire cast and the entire profession by wanting a
large table on the stage, on the ground that the company would
fall over it unless they behaved as if they were coming into
a real room instead of, as he coarsely observed, " rushing to
the float to pick up the band at the beginning of a comic song."
After a first reading of the manuscript, Mr. Maude's mis-
givings had been aroused to such an extent that he went to Shaw
and plainly told him that certain lines would have to be cut out.
" Oh, no ! " replied Shaw. " I really can't permit that."
" But in this shape," protested the alarmed actor-manager,
" the play can never be produced."
" My dear fellow, you delight me," was the truly Shavian
reply.
It was unbearable to the cast to be lectured and grilled un-
mercifully by a red-headed Mephistopheles dressed like a " fairly
respectable carpenter " in a suit of clothes that looked as though
it had originally been made of brown wrapping paper. The
rehearsals continued, however, with the entire cast in a state of
the most profound dejection.
" The end came suddenly and unexpectedly. We had made a
special effort to fulfil our unfortunate contract. . . . We were
honestly anxious to retrieve the situation by a great effort, and
save our dear little theatre from the disgrace of a failure.
" Suddenly the author entered, in a new suit of clothes!! "
Nobody who had seen Shaw sitting there day after day in a
costume which the least self-respecting plasterer would have dis-
carded months before could possibly have understood the devas-
tating effect of the new suit upon the minds of the spectators.
" That this was a calculated coup de theatre I have not the
slightest doubt." Shaw played the part of benevolent rescuer,
and the play was withdrawn. " I met him in Gar rick Street
not long ago and noticed that he still wore the suit which he
had purchased in 1897 in anticipation of the royalties on You
Never Can Tell! "
The only thanks that people give me for not * boring
322
Nfi
J'
THE PLAYWRIGHT— I
them,' " Shaw once said, " is that they laugh delightedly for
three hours at the play that has cost many months of hard
labour, and then turn round and say that it is no play at all
and accuse me of talking with my tongue in my cheek. And
then they expect me to take them seriously i " No one can
accuse Shaw of taking the world seriously in You Never Can
Tell. Never was more playful play, more irresponsible fun. It
is all a pure game of cross-purposes, a contest of intellectual
motives, a conflict of ideas and sentiments.
This play is especially interesting to me because it was the
first of Shaw's plays I saw produced, and led me to a study of
his works. And yet I should be the last to deny that it is a
farce, in which fun as a motive takes precedence over delinea-
tion of character. The characters are no more faithful to
actuality than is the dialogue to ordinary conversation. Indeed,
the play is almost a new genre, differing from the ordinary
farce, in which action predominates over thought, in the respect
that here thought, or rather vivacious mentalization, takes pre-
cedence over everything — the antics are psychical, not physical.
Shaw maintains, not that the play is a comedy, but that it is
cast in the ordinary practical comedy form. I take this to
mean that Shaw has utilized the stock characters and devices of
ordinary comedy — not to mention those of farce, burlesque and
extravaganza! — purely for his own ends, giving them a fresh
and unique interest by animating them with the infectious mirth
of his own personality. At last Shaw has found that loosed
variegated, kaleidoscopic comedic form which freely admits of
the intrusive antics of the Shavian whimsicality.
There is not a single play of Shaw's that starts nowhere and-^
never arrives; and here the fault is not that the play has no
meaning, but that it has too many meanings. And it is per-
haps just as well that there is no clear line of thought-filiation
running through the play. It is quite possible, as Hervieu
would say, to " disengage " one, or even several motives, inter-
linked with one another, from the play. Shaw, however, seems
content to put everyone on the defensive, to search out the
weak points in their armour, and to give to each in turn the
coup de grace.
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
* The play is notable in two respects — for its treatment of the
emotions and for the figure of William. Valentine is the im-
perfect prototype of John Tanner. His sole equipment is his
tongue; instead of a conscience and a heart, he has only a
brain. George Ade would have called him " Gabby Val, the con-
versational dentist." Gloria succumbs to the scientific wooing
of the new " duellist of sex " ; her armour of frigid reserve, the
heritage of twentieth-century precepts, melts before the cal-
culated warmth of Valentine's advances. After allowing her to
belong to herself for years, Nature now seizes her and uses her
for Nature's own large purposes. And Valentine, but now the
triumphant victor in the duel of sex, realizes when it is too late
that, after all, he is only the victimized captive. All comedies
end with a wedding, because it is then that the tragedy begins !
The real distinction of the play consists in Shaw's portrayal of
his conception of love as it exhibits itself in the contemporary
human being. As Mr. Walkley has put it, love, in Shaw's view,
is not, as with Chamfort, the echange de deux fantaisies, but
the echange de deux explications. With Shaw, the symbol of
love is not a Cupid blindfold, but the alertest of Arguses. His
intellectual reflection of the erotic illusion exhibits neither
tender sentiment, emotive abandon, nor sexual passion. Shaw's
lovers, as Mr. Desmond MacCarthy has pertinently put it,
" instead of using the language of admiration and affection, in
which this sexual passion is so often cloaked, simply convey by
their words the kind of mental tumult they are in. Sexual in-
fatuation is stripped bare of all the accessories of poetry and
sympathy. It is represented as it is by itself, with its own
peculiar romance, but with none of the feelings which may, and
often do, accompany it." *
The one really admirable figure in the play is the immortal
William. A master figure of classic, rather than modern, com-
edy, he suggests, with exquisite subtlety, the graceful unob-
trusiveness that dignifies his calling. Whenever he loses sight
of his menial position long enough to utter one of his kindly
bits of philosophy, it is always to fade back again into the
* The Court Theatre, 1904-1907, by Desmond MacCarthy (A. H. Bullen,
London, 1907), p. 57.
THE PLAYWRIGHT— I
waiter attitude with such deference and such celerity as to ac-
centuate the pathos of the contrast between his station and the
rare humanity of his genial philosophy.
You Never Can Tell, which Mr. Archer found to be a " form-
less and empty farce," achieved immense popular success in
New York and London, has been produced with gratifying
results throughout German Europe, as well as all over Great
Britain, and justifies Mr. Norman Hapgood's characterization:
" The best farce that has been upon the English-speaking stage
in many years."
Before turning to the last of the fantastic farce-comedies, I
would mention very briefly the three little topical pieces which
exhibit the joker Shaw at his Shawest. First, there is that
petite comedie rosse, so slight as to be dubbed by Shaw himself
a " comediettina," How He Lied to Her Husband — written in
1905 to eke out Mr. Arnold Daly's bill in New York. " I began
by asking Mr. Shaw to write me a play about Cromwell," re-
lates Mr. Daly. " The idea appealed to him in his own way.
He said he thought it good, but then he raced on to suggest
that we might have Charles the First come on with his head
under his arm, I pointed out to Shaw that it would be highly
inconvenient for a man to come on the stage with his head
under his arm, even if he were an acrobat. Shaw, however,
said he thought it could be done. In the end, he said he would
compromise. ' Write the first thirty-five minutes of that play
yourself,' said he, ' and let me write the last five minutes.' " *
What a convenient recipe for Shaw's formula of anti-climax!
The point of the little topsy-turvy, knockabout farce is the re-
ductio ad absurdum of the " Candidamaniacs " ; but the penny-
a-liners usually paragraphed it as a travesty on Shaw's own
play of Candida. Shaw finally cabled : " Need I say that anyone
who imagines that How He Lied to Her Husband retracts Can-
dida, or satirizes it, or travesties it, or belittles it in any way,
understands neither the one nor the other? " This comediettina
is a bright little skit, but it is no more amusing than it is untrue
to the intellectuels who made Candida a success in New York
* Post-Express (Rochester, N. Y.), December 3d, 1904.
325
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THE PLAYWRIGHT— I
and laid the foundations of Shaw's — and Daly's — success in
America.
On July 14th, 1905, in a booth in Regent's Park, London,
for the benefit of the Actors' Orphanage, was " performed re-.v'
peatedly, with colossal success," a " tragedy," entitled Passion,
Poison and Petrifaction; or The Fatal Gazogene, written by
Shaw at the request of Mr. Cyril Maude. It is an extravagant
burlesque on popular melodrama, and the main incident of the
" tragedy " is the petrifaction of the hero caused by swallowing
a lot of lime as an antidote to the poison administered to him
by the jealous husband of his inamorata, Lady Magnesia Fitz-
tollemache. " The play has a funny little history," Mr. Shaw
told me, " having its origin in a story I once made up for one
of the Archer children. In the early days of William Archer's
married life I was down there one night, and one of the chil-
dren asked me to tell him a story. ' What about ? ' I asked.
* A story about a cat,' was the eager reply. It seems that at
one time my aunt was interested in making little plaster-of-paris
figures; and one day the cat came along, and, thinking it was
milk, lapped up some of the moist plaster-of-paris. And so
the sad result, as I told the Archer children, was that the poor
cat petrified inside. ' And what did they do with the cat ? ' one
of the children asked. ' Well, you see,' I replied, { one of the
doors of the house would never stay shut, so my mother kept the
cat there ever afterwards to hold the door shut.' The funny
part of it all was that Mrs. Archer said that she had caught me
in a lie — and to her own children at that. To this day she never
believes a single thing I say ! "
" Passion, Poison and Petrifaction is, of course, the most utter
nonsense," Shaw continued. " But, would you believe it," —
with a chuckle — " it was recently successfully produced in
Vienna, and seriously praised as a characteristic play of the
brilliant Irish dramatist and Socialist, Bernard Shaw ! " *
Slightest of all three is The Interlude at The Playhouse,
* Passion, Poison, and Petrifaction; or the Fatal Gazogene; originally
appeared in Harry Furniss's Christmas Annual for 1905 (Arthur Treherne
and Co. Ltd., Adelphi, London), pp. 11-24, with illustrations by Mr. Harry
Furniss.
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
written for Mr. and Mrs. Cyril Maude, and delivered by them at
the opening of The Playhouse, Mr. Maude's new theatre, on
Monday, January 28th, 1907.* The little piece extracts all the
comedy to be got out of the embarrassment of an actor-manager
over having to deliver a certain speech, and the solicitude of his
wife in making an appeal to the audience on his behalf, but
without his knowledge, for sympathy and encouragement. The
genuine delicacy and lightness of touch with which the situation
is handled, and the absence of Shavian intrusiveness, unite in
making of the interlude a little gem, quite perfect of its
kind.
The last ©f the comedies of character is Captain Brassbound's
Conversion, classified by Shaw as one of the Three Plays for
Puritans, This play might never have been written, but for
the fact that Ellen Terry made no secret of the fact that she S'
was born in 1848. When her son, Gordon Craig, became a
father, Ellen Terry, according to Shaw, said that now no one
would ever write plays for a grandmother! Shaw immediately
wrote Captain Brassbound's Conversion to prove the contrary.
And seven years later Ellen Terry portrayed Lady Cicely
Waynflete with a charm, a waywardness, and a grace that gave
pleasure to thousands in England and America.
Just as, in The Devil's Disciple, Shaw reduces the melo-
dramatic form to absurdity, so in Captain Brassbound's Con-
version does he reduce to absurdity the melodramatic view of
life. The scene of the play is an imaginary Morocco, a second-
hand, fantastic image vicariously caught for Shaw by Mr.
Cunninghame Graham. Not only did Shaw want to write a
good part for Ellen Terry: he also wanted to write a good
play. So he wrote a whimsical fantasy, half melodrama, half
extravaganza, conditioned only by his own mildly philosophic
bent and the need for developing Lady Cicely's character. The
result, as he is fond of saying, is simply a story of conversion
— a Christian tract!
The protagonist, the pirate Brassbound, orders his life upon
* The text of this dainty little interlude is to be found in the Daily Mail,
January 29th, 1907. Mr. and Mrs. Maude were playing in Toddles at the
time.
328
S
THE PLAYWRIGHT— I
the principle that, as Bacon puts it, " revenge is a sort of wild
justice." He is imbued with mediaeval concepts of right and
wrong. In opposition to him, he discovers his opposite— a cool,
tactful, unsentimental woman of the world, disarming all op-
position through her Tolstoyism. With sympathetic interest,
she soon wins from Brassbound the secret of his life, and with
quiet and delicious satire, opens his eyes to the pettiness of his
mock-heroics, the absurdity of the melodramatic view-point — the
code of the Kentucky feud, the Italian vendetta. The revulsion
in Brassbound is instant and complete: he is wholly disarmed
by the discovery that, instead of being the chosen instrument
for the wild justice of lynch-law, he is only a ridiculous two-
pence coloured villain.
" My uncle was no worse than myself — better, most likely,"
is his final confession to Lady Cicely. " Well, I took him for
a villain out of a story-book. My mother would have opened
anybody else's eyes: she shut mine. I'm a stupider man than
Brandyfaced Jack even; for he got his romantic nonsense out
of his penny numbers and such-like trash; but I got just the
same nonsense out of life and experience."
Lady Cicely Waynflete is the most charming woman that
Shaw has ever drawn. Shaw has intimated that he found in
the friendship of Ellen Terry, who served as the model for Lady
Cicely, the " best return which could be expected from a gifted,
brilliant and beautiful woman, whose love had already been given
elsewhere, and whose heart had witnessed thousands of tempta-
tions." * In speaking of the character of Lady Cicely Wayn-
flete, Miss Florence Farr once said : " As a sex, women must be
* The figure of Lady Cicely Waynflete possesses an unique interest in view
of the fact conveyed in the following record of Ellen Terry's : " At this
time (1897), Mr. Shaw and I frequently corresponded. It began by my
writing to ask him, as musical critic of the Saturday Review (!), to tell
me frankly what he thought of the chances of a composer-singer friend
of mine. He answered ' characteristically,' and we developed a perfect
fury for writing to each other. Sometimes the letters were on business,
sometimes they were not, but always his were entertaining, and mine were,
I suppose, * good copy,' as he drew the character of Lady Cicely Waynflete
in Brassbound entirely from my letters. He never met me until after the
play was written." From Lewis Carroll to Bernard Shaw, in McClure's
Magazine, September, 1908.
329
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
for ever grateful to Miss Ellen Terry for teaching Mr. Shaw
that lesson about woman." Nothing could be simpler or more
effective than the secret of command possessed by this charm-
ing woman. She knows that to go straight up to people, with
hand outstretched and a frank " How d'ye do ? " is all that i§
needed to win their confidence. The dastardly sheikh, into
whose hands she is about to be delivered, is stupefied and " almost
persuaded," when she assures her friends that he will treat her
like one of Nature's gentlemen : " Look at his perfectly splendid
face ! " Combining as she does the temperament of Ellen Terry
with the genial esprit of Bernard Shaw, Lady Cicely is a thor-
oughly delightful and unique type of the eternal feminine. She
is just at the " age of charm," her actions are unhampered by
sentiment, and her chief attractions are frank naivete, the trait
of attributing the best of qualities to other people, and an
innocent assumption of authority that quietly pinions all oppo-
sition. She always manages to do just what she likes because
she is bound by no ties to her fellow-creatures, save the bonds
of sympathy and innate human kindness. In one respect is
she a true Shavienne: toward law, convention, propriety,
prejudice, she takes an attitude of quaintly humorous scepti-
cism. What a delicious touch is that when Sir Howard protests
that she has made him her accomplice in defeating justice!
" Yes," is her delightfully feminine reply : " aren't you glad
it's been defeated for once ? "
\s The moral of this charming but very slight and superficially
fantastic play is that revenge is not wild justice, but childish
melodrama, and that the justice of the courts of law, enforced
by melodramatic sentences of punishment, is often little else
than a very base sort of organized revenge. The fable is rather
trivial; and the long arm of coincidence puts its finger into
the pie more than once, playing that part of timely interven-
tion at which Shaw is so fond of railing. The mixture of
Shavian satire with Tolstoyan principles is both novel and
piquant ; and the mildly Ibsenic ending is a good " curtain " —
Brassbound discovering at last the secret of command, i.e.,
selflessness and disinterested sympathy, and Lady Cicely ec-
THE PLAYWRIGHT— I
statically felicitating herself upon her escape from — the bonds
of love and matrimony.
One other feature of the play is the hideous language of
the cockney, Felix Drinkwater, alias Brandyfaced Jack. It
takes quite an effort, even with the aid of the key which Shaw
has considerately appended, to decipher the jargon of this un-
happy hooligan, " a nime giv' us pore thortless lads baw a gint
on the Dily Chronicle." In Drinkwater, Shaw sought to fix
on paper the dialect of the London cockney, and he once told
me that he regarded this as the only accurate effort of the
kind in modern fiction. Interested in the study of phonetics
through his acquaintance and friendship with that " revolu-
tionary don " and academic authority, Henry Sweet of Oxford,
Shaw put his knowledge to work to represent phonetically the
lingo of the Board-School-educated cockney. " All that the
conventional spelling has done," Shaw once said in one of his
numerous journalistic controversies, " is to conceal the one
change that a phonetic spelling might have checked; namely,
the changes in pronunciation, including the waves of debase-
ment that produced the half -rural cockney of Sam Weller, and
the modern metropolitan cockney of Drinkwater in Captain
Brassbound's Conversion. . . . Refuse to teach the Board
School legions your pronunciation, and they will force theirs
on you by mere force of numbers. And serve you right ! "
331
THE PLAYWRIGHT— II
" I have, I think, always been a Puritan in my attitude towards Art. I
am as fond of fine music and handsome buildings as Milton was, or Crom-
well, or Bunyan; but if I found that they were becoming the instruments
of a systematic idolatry of sensuousness, I would hold it good statesman-
ship to blow every cathedral in the world to pieces with dynamite, organ
and all, without the least heed to the screams of the art critics and cultured
voluptuaries." — Why for Puritans? Preface to Three Plays for Puritans,
p. xix.
" I do not satirize types. I draw individuals as they are. When I
describe a tub, Archer and Walkley say it is a satire on a tub." — Con-
versation with the author.
CHAPTER XI
CAESAR AND CLEOPATRA, unique in Bernard Shaw's
theatre, alike in subject matter and genre, warrants indi-
vidual consideration. To an interviewer, on April 30th, 1898,
Shaw related that he was just in the middle of the first act of a
new play, in which he was going " to give Shakespeare a lead."
Unlike Oscar Wilde, who once said that the writing of plays
for a particular actor or actress was work for the artisan in
literature, not for the artist, Shaw freely confessed that he
wrote Caesar and Cleopatra for Forbes Robertson, " because he
is the classic actor of our day, and had a right to require such
a service from me." * Asked if he had not been reading up
" Mommsen and people like that," Shaw replied, " Not a bit
of it. History is only a dramatization of events. And if I
start telling lies about Caesar, it's a hundred to one that they will
be just the same lies that other people have told about him.
. . . Given Caesar and a certain set of circumstances, I know
what would happen, and when I have finished the play you will
find I have written history." f
In an opening scene of rare beauty and mystery, Caesar dis-
covers the child-truant Cleopatra reclining between the paws of
her " baby-sphinx." What possibilities, what previsions are
packed in this prophetic hour, which witnesses the meeting of
these two supreme representatives of two alien worlds, two
diverse civilizations ! From the sublime we are hurled down to
the ridiculous. Caesar, dreamer and world-conquerer, apos-
* Bernard Shaw and the Heroic Actor, in The Play, No. 62, Vol. X. In
this same article Shaw says: "No man writes a play without any reference
to the possibility of a performance: you may scorn the limitations of the
theatre as much as you please; but for all that you do not write parts for
six-legged actors or two-headed heroines, though there is great scope for
drama in such conceptions."
•fMr. Shaw's Future: A Conversation, in the Academy, April 30th, 1898.
This interview is signed "C. R."— presumably Clarence Rook.
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
trophizing the sphinx in the immemorial moonlight of Egypt,
is suddenly f eazed out of countenance by a childish voice : " Old
gentleman! — don't run away, old gentleman." It is the voice
of Shaw to his public : " I may take unpardonable liberties
with you; but — don't run away."
In the main, Shaw follows, as far as time, place and historical
events go, such facts of history as are to be found in Plutarch
and in Be Bello Gallico; in every other respect the play is
modern, colloquially modern, in tone and in spirit. Shaw ap-
proaches his theme under the domination of an idee fiwe: scorn
of tradition and of the science of history. The notion that there
has been any progress since the time of Caesar is absurd! In-
creased command over Nature by no means connotes increased
command over self; if there has been any evolution, it has been
in our conceptions of the meaning of greatness. When Shaw
wrote his celebrated preface Better than Shakespeare? he had
a very definite claim to make; that his Caesar and Cleopatra
are more credible, more natural, to a modern audience, than are
the imaginative projections of a Shakespeare. Shaw maintains
that, in manner and art, nobody can write better than Shake-
speare, " because, carelessness apart, he did the thing as well
as it can be done within the limits of human faculty." But
Shaw did profess to have something to say by this time that
Shakespeare neither said nor dreamed of. " Allow me to set
forth Caesar in the same modern light," pleads Shaw, in speak-
ing of the hero-restorations of Carlyle and Mommsen, " taking
the same liberty with Shakespeare as he with Homer, and with no
thought of pretending to express the Mommsenite view of
Caesar any better than Shakespeare expressed a view that was
not even Plutarchian. . . . " * " Shakespeare's Caesar is the
reductio ad absurdum of the real Julius Caesar," Mr. Shaw once
remarked to me ; " my Caesar is a simple return to nature and
history."
Are there many cases in dramatic psychology, asked M. Filon,
as interesting as the liaison which would have had " Caesarion "
as result? But in Casar and Cleopatra, there is no battle of
* Better than Shakespeare? Preface to Three Plays for Puritans.
336
► Eduard J. Steiclun.]
IN CONSULTATION,
From the original monochrome, made at 10, Adelphi Terrace, London, W.C.
August, 1907. . 1
[Facing p. 332
THE PLAYWRIGHT— II
love, no dramatic conflict. Shaw might have produced a drama
of the nations, in which the cunning intrigues of Egypt are
matched against the forthrightness and efficiency of the Ro-
mans; or a drama of passion, charged to the full with poetic
imagination. But he has availed himself neither of the his-
toric sense, in which he appears to be deficient, nor of the ro-
mantic violence of poetic imagination, against which he rages
with puritanical fervour. Shaw calls the play a " history " ;
certainly it is not a " drama " in the technical sense.* And yet,
despite the numerous longueurs of the play, the pyrotechnic
flashes of wit which only barely suffice to conceal the fact that
the action is marking time, the exciting incidents which sep-
arately give a semblance of activity to the piece, there is a
genuine thread of motive connecting scene with scene.
CcBsar and Cleopatra is, from one point of view, a study in
the evolution of character; and this play, and Major Barbara,
are the only exceptions to Shaw's theatre of static character.
The psychological action of the piece consists in the evolution,
under the guiding hand of Caesar, of the little Egyptian sensu-
alist, in the period of plastic adolescence. Caesar has the weak
fondness of an indulgent uncle for the adolescent Cleopatra,
with her strange admixture of childish mauvaise honte and regal
covetousness. Realizing with the instinct of a king-maker
Cleopatra's dangerous possibilities as a ruler, Caesar exercises
upon her the plastic and determinative force of an architect
of states. Slowly the little Cleopatra learns her lesson, glories
in her newly-won power, tyrannizes inhumanly over all about
her, and eventually — with well-nigh disastrous effects to her-
self— endeavours to teach her teacher the true secret of
dominion.
From another point of view, this play is the portrait of a
hero in the light of Shavian psychology — a hero in undress
* In Berlin the play was given in its entirety at the Neues Theater ;
in London, at the Savoy Theatre, it proved quite feasible to give the play
omitting the entire third act. And yet the third act, according to M. Jean
Blum (Revue Germanique, November-December, 1906), contains the dra-
matic climax! Compare also, Dramatische Rundschau, by Friedrich Dusel,
Weaterinarm's Monatshefte, June, 1906.
337
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
costume, in his dressing-gown as he lived, with all his trivial
vanities and endearing weaknesses. The halo of the " pathos
of distance," surrounding the head of the demi-god, wholly
fades away; and there stands before us a real man, shorn of
the romantic, the histrionic, the chivalric, it is true, but a real
man, every inch of him, for all that. Shaw clearly draws the
distinction :
" Our conception of heroism has changed of late years.
The stage hero of the palmy days is a pricked bubble.
The gentlemanly hero, of whom Tennyson's King Arthur
was the type, suddenly found himself out as Torvald
Helmer in Ibsen's DolVs House, and died of the shock. It
is no use now going on with heroes who are no longer
really heroic to us. Besides, we want credible heroes. The
old demand for the incredible, the impossible, the super-
human, which was supplied by bombast, inflation, and the
piling of crimes on catastrophes and factitious raptures
on artificial agonies, has fallen off; and the demand now
is for heroes in whom we can recognize our own humanity,
and who, instead of walking, talking, eating, drinking,
making love and fighting single combats in a monotonous
ecstasy of continuous heroism, are heroic in the true human
fashion: that is, touching the summits only at rare mo-
ments, and finding the proper level of all occasions, con-
descending with humour and good sense to the prosaic
ones as well as rising to the noble ones, instead of ridicu-
lously persisting in rising to them all on the principle that
a hero must always soar, in season or out of season." *
Mr. Forbes Robertson recently said that he regarded Caesar
and Cleopatra as a " great play," representing very truly what
one would imagine Caesar said, thought and felt. " Possibly
the play is before its time — some people have said such curious
things about it. There are scenes of wonderful brilliancy and
beautjr, and I myself see nothing farcical about the play, as
* Bernard Shaw and the Heroic Actor, in The Play, No. 62, Vol. X.
338
THE PLAYWRIGHT— II
some people seem to suggest. I see a great wit and humour;
and, as Mr. Shaw points out, by what right are we to pre-
suppose that Caesar had no sense of humour? He meets this
amusing little impudent girl, and is very much amused with
her, and interested in her, quite naturally as a human being.
Why should one expect him to go strutting about, with one
arm in his toga and the other extended, spouting dull blank
verse? " Indeed, Shaw's Caesar is a remarkable personality — in
practice a man of business sagacity; in politics, a dreamer; in
action, brilliant and resourceful; in private, a trifle vain and
rhetorical — boyish, exuberant, humorous. When Pothinus ex-
presses amazement that the conqueror of the world has time to
busy himself with taxes, Caesar affably replies : " My friend,
taxes are the chief business of a conqueror of the world."
Like Mirabeau, he had no memory for insults and affronts
received, and " could not forgive, for the sole reason that —
he forgot." He answers to Nietzsche's differentia: " Not to be
able to take seriously for a long time, an enemy, or a mis-
fortune, or even one's own misdeeds — is the characteristic of
strong and full natures, abundantly endowed with plastic,
formative, restorative, also obliterative force." Caesar's policy
of clemency is constantly thwarted by the murderous passions
of his soldiers ; the murder of Pompey he contemns as a stroke
of unpardonable treachery and revenge, the removal of Ver-
cingetorix very much as Talleyrand regarded the execution of
the Due d'Enghien : it was worse than a crime, it was a blunder.
Sufficient unto himself, strong enough to dispense with happi-
ness, Caesar is — to use a phrase of Mr. Desmond MacCarthy's —
" content in the place of happiness with a kind of triumphant
gaiety, springing from a sense of his own fortitude and power."
Caesar is a thoroughly good fellow, prosaically, patho-comically
looking approaching old age in the face and wearing his con-
queror's wreath of oak leaves — to conceal his growing bald
spot. Were Rome a true republic, Caesar would be the first
of republicans; he values the life of every Roman in his army
as he values his own, and makes friends with everyone as he
does with dogs and children. " Caesar is an important public
man," as Mr. Max Beerbohm puts it, " who knows that a little
339
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
chit of a girl-queen has taken a fancy to him, and is tickled by
the knowledge and behaves very kindly to her, and rather wishes
he were young enough to love her." But when he is again
recalled to Rome, Cleopatra concerns him no more. Caesar is
the Shavian type of the naturally great man — great, not be-
cause he mortifies his nature in fulfilment of duty, but because
he fulfils his own will." *
Casar and Cleopatra, to employ a phrase of the elder Co-
quelin, is a " combination of the most absolute fantasy with the
most absolute truth." One feels at times that it belongs in the
category of Orphee aux Enfers and La Belle Helene, and only
needs the music of Offenbach to round it out. Shaw shatters the
illusion of antiquity with a multitude of the stock phrases of
contemporary history : " Peace with honour," " Egypt for the
Egyptians," " Art for Art's sake," etc., etc.f True to Shake-
spearean practice, Shaw revels in anachronisms, and goes so
far as to assert that this is the only way to make the historic
past take form and life before our eyes. If Shakespeare makes
a clock strike in ancient Rome, Shaw shows a steam engine at
*Cf. Genealogy of Morals (Translated by William A. Hausemann, the
Macmillan Co.), where Nietzsche points out that in the case of "noble men,"
prudence is far less essential than the "perfect reliableness of function
of the regulating, unconscious instincts or even a certain imprudence, such
as readiness to encounter things — whether danger or an enemy, or that
eccentric suddenness of anger, love, reverence, gratitude and revenge by
which noble souls at all times have recognized themselves as such."
•\C03sar and Cleopatra, in respect to its revolt against the dogmas of
classical antiquity, against the accepted conventions in the reconstitution
of past epochs, has been classed by Herr Heinrich Stumcke with the Casar
in Alexandria of Mora and Thoele's Heidnischen Geschichten. In a skit,
Casar (ohne Cleopatra) , by the German dramatic critic, Alfred Kerr, and
dedicated " an Bernard Shaw mit freundlichen Grussen," this feature is
wittily satirized, in these two verses:
"Konnt ich den Zweck des Blodsinns ahnen!
Ich fuhrte manchen schweren Streich,
Bezwang mit Muhe die Germanen —
Trotzdem kommt Sedan und das Reich.
"Ein Zauberer, ihr grossen Gotter,
1st jener nordische Poet;
Herr Arnold Rubek bleibt mein Vetter:
Dich, Leben! Leben! spur ich spat. . . ."
340
THE PLAYWRIGHT— II
work in Alexandria in 48 b.c. ! If Shakespeare puts a billiard
table in Cleopatra's palace, Shaw alludes to the ancient super-
stition of table-rapping in the year 707 of the Republic ! Shaw
gives free play to his abounding humour, having long since
learned that nothing can be accomplished by solemnity. " When-
ever I feel in writing a play," he frankly confesses, " that my
great command of the sublime threatens to induce solemnity of
mind in my audience, I at once introduce a joke and knock the
solemn people from their perch." The eighteenth-century Irish-
man, with his contempt for John Bull, peeps out here and there ;
and when Cleopatra asks Britannus, Cassar's young secretary
from Britain, if it were true that he was painted all over blue,
when Caesar captured him, Britannus proudly replies : " Blue is
the colour worn by all Britons of good standing. In war we
stain our bodies blue; so that though our enemies may strip
us of our clothes and our lives, they cannot strip us of our
respectability."
In Ccesar and Cleopatra Shaw has created something more
or less than drama — a tremendous fantasy surcharged and inter-
penetrated with deep imaginative reality. In certain plays of
which I shall now speak, Shaw shows that he can play the
dramatist, pure and simple, and write with a concentration of
energy, a compression of emotive intensity, that seem very for-
eign to the prolixity and discursiveness of his later manner.
The stern artistic discipline to which he nearly succeeded in
schooling himself in Mrs. Warren's Profession, once more ex-
hibits itself in The Man of Destiny, Candida and The Devil's
Disciple. The essential fact that these plays have proved pop-
ular stage successes in the capitals of the world — New York,
London, Berlin, Vienna, Dresden, St. Petersburg, Buda-Pesth,
Brussels, etc. — is in itself testimony to the fact that — always
allowing for the refraction of the Shavian temperament — Ber-
nard Shaw is a true dramatist, capable of touching the deeper
emotions and appealing to universal sentiments.
In speaking of his earliest works, Shaw airily refers to those
" vain brilliancies given off in the days of my health and
strength." Perhaps something of their diffuseness, and the lack
of concentrative thought evident in their construction, are ex-
341
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
plained, not alone by reference to Shaw's intransigeance, but
in part by the conditions under which they were written. A
bit of reminiscence voiced by the great English comedian, Sir
Charles Wyndham, is illuminating:
" I shall never forget the first time Shaw called to see
me. In those days he would not have a bit of linen about
him. He wore soft shirts and long, flowing ties, which,
with his tawny hair and long, red beard, gave him the ap-
pearance of a veritable Viking. Well, he came in and sat
down at the table. Then he put his hand into his right
trousers pocket and slowly drew out a small pocket mem-
orandum-book; then he dug into the left side-pocket and
fished out another of the little books, then still another and
another. Finally, he paused in his explorations, looked at
me and said :
" ' I suppose you're surprised to see all these little
pocket-books. The fact is, however, I write my plays in
them while riding around London on top of a 'bus.' " *
The How and Where of the composition of such plays
might well account for much inconsequence and aerial gid-
diness !
The Man of Destiny has an origin not a little unique. Many
plays are written for some one great actor or actress — few are
written for two. And yet, according to Shaw's own confessions,
The Man of Destiny was written for Richard Mansfield and
Ellen Terry — Mansfield serving as the model for Napoleon,
Terry as the model for the Lady. At this time, Shaw had
seen Mansfield only in Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde and Richard
III.; and once in 1894 had chatted with him for an hour at
the Langham. The impression he received was so strong, the
suggestion of Napoleon so striking, that he resolved to write
a play about Napoleon based on a study of Mansfield.f
*The New York Times, November 20th, 1904.
f " Mansfield was always especially sympathetic with the character of
Napoleon, and, indeed — however extravagant the statement may seem at
first glance — his personality comprised some of the attributes of that
character — stalwart courage, vaulting ambition, inflexible will, resolute self-
342
THE PLAYWRIGHT— II
In a letter to Mansfield (September 8th, 1897), Shaw says:
" I was much hurt by your contemptuous refusal of A Man of
Destiny, not because I think it one of my masterpieces, but
because Napoleon is nobody else but Richard Mansfield himself.
I studied the character from you, and then read up Napoleon
and found that I had got him exactly right." * Shaw fre-
quently corresponded with Ellen Terry during the days he was
writing The Man of Destiny; he saw her numberless times on
the stage, but had never actually met her when he wrote The
Man of Destiny. Shaw escaped the " illusion " of the Lyceum,
created by " Irving's incomparable dignity and Terry's incom-
parable beauty " — simply because " I was a dramatist and
needed Ellen Terry for my own plays. ... I had tried to
win her when I wrote The Man of Destiny, in which the heroine
is simply a delineation of Ellen Terry — imperfect, it is true,
for who can describe the indescribable ! " f
The Man of Destiny, Shaw, in fact, confesses, was written
chiefly to exhibit the virtuosity of the two principal characters ;
and it must be confessed that their virtuosity is so pervasively
dazzling as occasionally to distract attention from the dramatic
procedure. The unnamed possibilities of the situation have
been exploited in the subtlest fashion. This little " fragment "
is a dramatic tour de force; the rapid shifting of victory from
one side to the other, the excitingly unstable equilibrium of
the balance of power, the fierce war of wills are of the very
essence of true drama. The serious underlying issue, the strug-
gle of Napoleon for a triumph that spells personal dishonour,
is a dramatic motive sanctioned by that great classic example,
the (Edipus Rex. Unlike Sophocles, whose listeners knew in
advance the story of the ill-fated king, Shaw withholds from
the spectator any foreknowledge of the outcome ; but the grow-
confidence, great capacity for labour, iron endurance, promptitude of
decision, propensity for large schemes, and passionate taste for profusion
of opulent surroundings." — William Winter's Life and Art of Richard
Mansfield, Vol. I., pp. 222-223; Moffat, Yard and Co., New York, 1910.
* Richard Mansfield: The Man and the Actor, by Paul Wilstach, p. 264;
Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1909.
f Ellen Terry, by Bernard Shaw. Neue Freie Presse, January, 1906;
English translation, Boston Transcript, January 20th, 1906.
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
ing curiosity of Napoleon, instantaneously inducing like in-
quisitiveness on the part of the spectator, is one of the chief
factors of interest in the play. Early in the development of
the action, the purpose of the letter is readily guessed by anyone
familiar with such Napoleonic history as is recorded, for exam-
ple, in the Memoirs of Barras.*
As Shaw's Caesar is his interpretation of the great man of
ancient history, so Napoleon is his interpretation of the great
man of modern history. Shaw's Napoleon is a strange mixture
of noble and ignoble impulses. He is strangely imaginative — a
dreamer in the great sense, with a touch of the superstition of
a Wallenstein, a great faith in his star. A ravenous beast at
table, he feverishly gorges his food, while his hair sweeps into
the ink and the gravy; his absolute obliviousness to surround-
ings is the mask of tremendous energy of purpose. Gravy an-
swers the purpose of ink, a grape hull marks a strategic point
on the map : the mark, not the material, is Napoleon's concern.
And it is the impreuu of his decisions that so often puts his
adversaries to rout. M. Filon protests against Shaw's portrait
of Napoleon as a mere repetition of the caricatures of Gillray
and the calumniating distortions of the historian Seeley; but
Shaw's Napoleon is, in great measure, not the Napoleon of
the glorified Bonapartist chromo, but the Napoleon post-figured
by his later career. Le Petit Caporal is the ancestor of the
Emperor Napoleon I. ; and in this early phase, Napoleon may be
best described in the sneering characterization of the Lady as
" the vile, vulgar Corsican adventurer." Says Mr. John Cor-
bin : " The final sensation of the character is of vast unquencha-
ble energy and intelligence, at once brutally real and sublimely
* On account of the vagueness of the story in certain details, Mr. John
Corbin has taken Shaw to task for not stating "who the Lady is and why
she was so heroically bent on rescuing Napoleon from himself." It suffices
to know that she is Josephine's emissary, sent to intercept the incriminating
letter. Her duel with Napoleon is a heroic effort, not to " rescue Napoleon
from himself," but, by playing upon his boundless ambition, to prevent him
from discovering the extent of Josephine's perfidy, and to rescue Josephine
from the consequences of her indiscretion. That the Lady in the end proves
faithless to her trust merely transposes the key from tragedy to comedy;
and the dramatic excellence of the play is no whit impaired by this
characteristically Shawesque conclusion.
344
THE PLAYWRIGHT— II
theatrical. And is not this the great Napoleon? By virtue
of this mingling of seemingly opposed but inherently true
qualities this Man of Destiny, for all the impertinences and
audacities of Mr. Shaw's pyrotechnics, may be reckoned the
best presentation of Napoleon thus far achieved in the drama,
as it is certainly by far the most delightful." I asked Mile.
Yvette Guilbert one day if she thought The Man of Destiny
would succeed in Paris. " I rather fear not," she replied.
" Shaw's portrait is too true to the original to suit the
French!"*
Towards the close of The Man of Destiny, Napoleon, taking
for his text the famous phrase : " The English are a nation of
shop-keepers," launches forth into a perfect torrent of irrele-
vant histrionic pyrotechnics. " Let me explain the English to
you," he says, and in Shaw's most Maxim-gun style, proceeds
to summarize the history of England in the nineteenth century,
in a half -critical, half -prophetic philippic, beginning with dis-
cussion of the views of the Manchester School, of British indus-
trial and colonial policy, and of Imperialism, and concluding
with allusions to Wellington and Waterloo ! In reading the
play, this passage appears to be a gross irrelevancy and an
absurd anachronism; but on the stage the speech appears to
be quite in character with Shaw's Napoleon. Still, this passage
calls attention to Shaw's most obvious and most deliberately com-
mitted fault: self -projection through the medium of his char-
acters. Shaw identifies himself with his work as possibly no
other dramatist before him has ever done. I rejoice in Shaw as
M. Filon rejoices in Dumas fits; selfless reserve, abdication of
personality, are as impossible for Shaw as for Dumas fits, and
I freely confess that what I enjoy most in Shaw's plays is —
Shaw.
Sir Charles Wyndham was once asked his opinion of the plays
of Bernard Shaw. " Shaw's works are wonderful intellectual
studies, but," he replied firmly, " they are not plays ! " And
he continued : " At one time I saw a great deal of Shaw and
*I believe that Shaw's Napoleon has never been adequately interpreted
save possibly by Max Reinhardt in Berlin. The impersonation I saw at
the Court Theatre, London, in June, 1907, was an egregious failure.
345
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
had great hopes of him as a dramatist. But he wouldn't come
down to earth, he wouldn't be practical. When he had just
completed Candida he came and read it to me. I told him it
was ' twenty years too soon for England.' Well, he put it on
at a special matinee, and it was much applauded. Then Shaw
went out and addressed the audience. ' I read the play to
Wyndham,' he said in his speech, ' and he told me it was twenty
years too soon. You have given the contradiction to that state-
ment.' " Candida has been played on some of the greatest
stages of Europe, as well as all over England and America, and
leading critics have praised it as one of the most remarkable
plays of this generation.*
Candida is an acute psychological observation upon the emo-
tional reverberations in the souls of three clearly imagined, ex-
quisitely realized characters ; its connection with pre-Raphaelit-
ism, as Mr. Shaw confessed to me, is purely superficial and ex-
trinsic. Aside from its association with a certain stage in
Shaw's own development, the character of Marchbanks might
just as well have been linked with the name of Shelley ,f or with
*Mr. W. K. Tarpey, who called Candida "one of the masterpieces
of the world," relates that some time at the end of 1894, or beginning of
1895, Shaw fell into a calm slumber; in a vision an angel carrying a roll of
manuscript appeared unto him. To Shaw, who was no whit abashed, the
angel thus spoke : " Look here, Shaw ! wouldn't it be rather a good idea
if you were to produce a work of absolute genius? " Shaw granted that the
idea was not half a bad one, although he did not see how it could be carried
out. Then the angel resolved his doubts : " I've got a good play here, that
is to say, good for one of us angels to have written. We want it produced
in London. The author does not wish to have his name known." " Oh ! "
replied Shaw, " I'll father it with pleasure ; it is not up to my form, but
I don't care much for my reputation." Shaw undertook the business side
of the matter, put in the comic relief, and named the play Candida: a
f Mr. Arnold Daly was in the habit of opening the third act of Candida
by reading the familiar verses of Shelley to an unnamed love:
"One word is too oft profaned
For me to profane it;
One feeling too falsely disclaimed
For thee to disclaim it.
One hope is too like despair
For prudence to smother,
And pity from thee more dear
Than that from another.
346
THE PLAYWRIGHT— II
the Celtic Renascence of to-day; but the whole atmosphere of
the play makes it inconceivable at any time in the world's his-
tory save in the age of Ibsen. It bears marked resemblances
to The Comedy of Love and The Lady from the Sea. Candida
portrays the conflict between prose convention and poetic
anarchy, concretely mirroring that conflict of human wills
which Brunetiere announced as the criterion of authentic drama.
" Unity, however desirable in political agitations," Shaw once
wrote, in reference to this play, " is fatal to drama, since every
drama must be the artistic presentation of a conflict. The end
may be reconciliation or destruction, or, as in life itself, there
may be no end; but the conflict is indispensable: no conflict,
no drama."
In striking contrast to many of Shaw's plays which are
marked by a hyper-natural, almost blatant psychology, Candida
reveals in Shaw a mastery of what may be termed profound
psychological secrecy. " This is the play in which Bernard
Shaw has tried to dig deepest, and has used his material with
the greatest economy," wrote Dr. Brandes, in 1902. " The
quietude of the action, which works itself out purely in dialogue,
is here akin to Ibsen's quietude. . . . There is great depth of
thought in this play, and a knowledge of the human soul which
penetrates far below the surface." A domestic drama — little
more than a " scene from private life " — Candida is the latest
form of Diderot's invention, the bourgeois drama. Abounding
in scenes and situations tense with emotional and dramatic
power, it is stamped with the finish and restraint of great art.
The characters in this play, so chameleon-like in its changing
lustres, at every instant turn toward the light new facets of
their natures. We catch the iridescent and ever-varying tints of
life ; and over all is a sparkle of fine and subtle humour, lighten-
ing the tension of soul-conflicts with touches of homely veracity.
" I can give not what men call love,
But wilt thou accept not
The worship the heart lifts above
And the heavens reject not,
The desire of the moth for the star,
Of the night for the morrow,
The devotion to something afar
From the sphere of our sorrow?"
347
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
The " auction scene " of the third act is transcendentally real,
making an almost imperceptible transition from verisimilitude
to fantasy.* Indulging his penchant for dialectic, Shaw here
turns advocate, and argues the case with all the surety of the
lawyer, the art of the litterateur. Men and women do not
guide their actions in accordance with the dictates of pure rea-
son; as Alceste says to Philinte in Le Misanthrope :
"'Tis true my reason tells me so each day;
Yet reason's not the power to govern love."
And, after all, the auction scene is merely the scene a faire,
leaving the situation absolutely unchanged. As Shaw himself
once confessed : " It is an interesting sample of the way in which
a scene, which should be conceived and written only by tran-
scending the ordinary notion of the relations between the per-
sons, nevertheless stirs the ordinary emotions to a very high
degree, all the more because the language of the poet, to those
who have not the clue to it, is mysterious and bewildering, and,
therefore, worshipful. I divined it myself before I found out
the whole truth about it."
Candida well justifies its sub-title of a Mystery in the number
of astounding interpretations given it by the critics. In France
it was regarded as a new solution of the Feminist problem. Can-
dida remains as the free companion of a weak man, we are told
by certain foreign critics, because " she understands that she
has a duty to fulfil to her big baby of a husband, who could no
longer succeed in playing his role in society without the firm
hand which sustains and guides him." M. Maurice Muret, who
*In a notable conference on Candida at the Th6atre des Arts, in Paris,
preceding a production of that play, during the latter part of May, 1908,
Mme. Georgette Le Blanc-Maeterlinck said: "La situation du mari n'est
pas neuve, mais elle se presente ordinairement au troisieme acte, et elle
est toujours tranchee sans que la conscience intervienne, elle est tranchee
par la jalousie, par la douleur et la mort. Ici, nous avons affaire a des
intelligences meilleures, a des §tres qui essayent de se conduire d'apres leur
raison et leur volonte la plus haute. . . . C'est leur effort de sagesse qui les
rend absolument illogiques, les soustrait a l'analyse et les rend presque
inadmissibles a la lecture; mais c'est parce qu'ils sont illogiques, comme
nous tous, qu'ils sont si vivants, si curieux en scene." — Le Figaro, May 30th,
1908; also L'Art Moderne, September 20th and 27th, 1908.
348
THEME DES IBIS
(THEATRE OES BATIBNOLLES)
?$, Boulevard des Satignolles, 79
asetho : vtt«Lifin8*t%oase
Tous les Soirs, a 9 heures
CANDIDA
Piece en 3 acles, de Bernard SHAW
Version ttsncaiae d'Augustin el Henrietto SAMON
VERASERGINE
DIMANCHES ET FETES
MATINEE A 2 HEURES
Tous les Soirs & 9 heures
VERHN, 41taaB»P«rl« — tmprtiMri* «p«otol« jour Fuhlieltto ih—tralw •* Twr o«m arttfttanMa
Playbill of Candida.
Theatre des Arts, Paris. Director: Robert d'Humieres. May 7th, 8th,
9th, 1908. Twenty-five subsequent performances. Shaw's only play to be
produced in France to date.
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
wrote me that he was induced to read Candida by laudatory
articles in the German Press after Agnes Sorma's production
in Berlin, has thus betrayed his comic misunderstanding:
" From the mass of femmes revoltees who encumber the con-
temporary drama, the personage of Candida stands out with
happy distinction. Feminist literature has produced nothing
comparable to this exquisite figure. A tardy, but brilliant re-
venge of the traditional ideal upon the new ideal, is this victory
of la femme selon Titien over the Scandinavian virago, this tri-
umph of Candida over Nora " ! * And one of the most eminent
of German dramatic critics, after Lili Petri's production in
Vienna, said in an open letter to Shaw : " It is not virtue ; not
prosaically bourgeois, nor vaguely romantic, feeling; nor even
the strength of this Morell, but simply his weakness, which
chains Candida to his side: because he needs her, the woman
loves him more than the young poet, who may perhaps recover
from his disappointment and learn to live without her. Shaw,
Bernard, Irishman! I abjure thee!"
Not only with such interpretations, but even with Shaw's own
dissection of his greatest play, I find it quite impossible to sym-
pathize or to agree, Shaw seems merely to be taking a fling at
the " Candidamaniacs," as he called the play's admirers ; his
" analysis " strikes me as a batch of Shavian half-truths, rather
than a fair estimate of the play's true significance. In answer
to Mr. Huneker's question a propos of Candida's famous
" shawl " speech, Shaw wrote :
" Don't ask me conundrums about that very immoral
female Candida. Observe the entry of W. Burgess : ' You're
the lady as hused to typewrite for him? ' ' No.' ' Naaow:
she was younger? ' And therefore Candida sacked her.
Prossy is a very highly selected young person indeed, de-
voted to Morell to the extent of helping in the kitchen, but
to him the merest pet rabbit, unable to get the slightest
hold on him. Candida is as unscrupulous as Siegfried:
* De Nora a Candida, by Maurice Muret; Journal des Dibats, No. 544,
June 24th, 1904, pp. 1216-1218.
350
THE PLAYWRIGHT— II
Morell himself sees that ' no law will bind her.' She seduces
Eugene just exactly as far as it is worth her while to
seduce him. She is a woman without character in the
conventional sense. Without brains and strength of mind
she would be a wretched slattern or voluptuary. She is
straight for natural reasons, not for conventional ethical
ones. Nothing can be more cold-bloodedly reasonable than
her farewell to Eugene. ' All very well, my lad ; but I don't
quite see myself at fifty with a husband of thirty-five.
It is just this freedom from emotional slop, this unerring
wisdom on the domestic plane, that makes her so com-
pletely mistress of the situation.
" Then consider the poet. She makes a man of him by
showing him his own strength — that David must do with-
out poor Uriah's wife. And then she pitches in her picture
of the home, the onions, and the tradesmen, and the cos-
setting of big baby Morell. The New York Hausfraw
thinks it a little paradise ; but the poet rises up and says :
' Out, then, into the night with me ' — Tristan's holy night.
If this greasy fool's paradise is happiness, then I give
it to you with both hands, 6 life is nobler than that.' That
is the 6 poet's secret.' The young things in front weep
to see the poor boy going out lonely and broken-hearted in
the cold night to save the proprieties of New England
Puritanism; but he is really a god going back to his
heaven, proud, unspeakably contemptuous of the happiness
he envied in the days of his blindness, clearly seeing that
he has higher business on hand than Candida. She has
a little quaint intuition of the completeness of his cure:
she says : ' He has learnt to do without happiness.' " *
Candida quickly divines that Marchbanks is " falling in love
with her," and whilst fully conscious of her charms, she is equally
conscious of the evil that may be wrought by unscrupulous use
of them. She has too much respect for Marchbanks' passion
to insult him with virtuous indignation. Her maternal insight
* The Truth about Candida, by James Huneker, Metropolitan Magazine,
August, 1904.
351
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
enables her to sympathize with him in his aspirations and in his
struggles.
It is quite true that Candida's standards are instinctively
natural, not conventionally ethical : " Put your trust in my love,
James, not in my conscience," is her eminently sound point of
view. It is her desire to save Eugene from future pain, to show
Theatre Royal
Bureaux 1 1/2 h.
du
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MATINEES LITTBRAIBES
Jeudi 14 Fevrier Dimanche 17 Fevrier Jeud) 21 FSvrler
St'rie 8. Serie I). Sene C
Conference sur le Theatre de Bernard Shaw, par MA. HA HON
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CANDIDA
Piece en S «1Cles. de Bernard Shtfio, traduile par .4. ct H Hamon
M> ALICE ARCHAINBAUD
Candida
fto-f f«nd J»mes *avor Morfll WW. MftPEVTIKK J Prre Burg«s MM. VERIEZ J Candida *•• Alke ARCKAMBAi;!
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Affiles Tjie«tr»le». J. MORELS et ft. rue SNPierre "
Playbill of Candida.
Theatre Royal du Pare, Brussels. Preceded by a conference on TTte
Theatre of Bernard Shaw, by M. A. Hamon. Four " Matinees Litt£raires,"
February 7th, 14th, 17th, 21st, 1907. First production of any of Shaw's
plays in the French language.
him quite gently the hopelessness of his passion, that leads
her to " seduce " him into perfect self-expression, to make
clear to him that he is a " foolish boy " and that her love
is not the inevitable reward for the triumph of his logic. March-
352
THE PLAYWRIGHT— II
banks' magnificent bid of " his soul's need " does not win her,
because she loves Morell. Taught by Candida to recognize the
difference between poetic vision and prosaic actuality, March-
banks realizes that his hour has struck: it is the end of his
youth. He has made the inevitable Shavian discovery that
service, not happiness, is the nobler aim in life ; and this episode
in his soul's history, as Friedrich Dusel suggests, should be en-
titled, " Wie aus emem Knaben ein Mann wtrd." He has learnt
to do without happiness, not because he has been completely
cured of love, but because he has learnt that his own love soars
far above the unideal plane of Burgess — or is it bourgeois? —
respectability. This, indeed, is the " secret in the poet's
heart " ; otherwise the golden-winged god of dreams shrivels up
into a pitiful shape of egoism. Candida is a miracle of candour
and sympathy; she lacks the one essential — true comprehension
of his love. Possessing some sort of spiritual affinity with the
Virgin of the Assumption, she lacks the faintest sympathy or
concern with the art of Titian ; feeling some sort of sympathy
with Marchbanks and what is to her his comedy of calf-love, she
lacks any true comprehension of the fineness and spirituality
of his passion.*
Whatever interpretation may be adopted, this drama of dis-
illusion is a work of true genius. In a series of productions by
the Independent Theatre in the English provinces in the spring
of 1897, and again in 1898, Janet Achurch (Mrs. Charles Char-
rington) " created " the role of Candida; the cast was notable,
* Hermann Bahr has acutely observed: " In the Germanic world, the
woman wields power over the man only so long as he feels her to be a
higher being, almost a saint: so Candida is the transcendent, the immacu-
late, the pure — the heaven, the stars, the eternal light. And this Candida?
There is no doubt that she is an angel. The only question is in which
heaven she dwells. There is a first heaven, and a second heaven, and so
on up to the seventh heaven. In the seventh heaven, as you well know,
Shaw, dwell only the poets; and of the seventh heaven must the woman
be, before the worshipful Marchbanks will once kneel to her, if, indeed,
it can be said that a poet ever kneels. But your beloved Candida is of a
lower heaven — a lesser alp, a thousand metres below, in the region of the
respectable bourgeoisie. There is she the saint the Germanic mannikin
needs. There she shines — shines for the Morells, the good people who
inculcate virtue and solve social questions every Sunday. And it is there
that she belongs."
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
the parts of Morell and Marchbanks being taken by Mr. Charles
Charrington and Mr. Courtenay Thorpe respectively. Doubt-
less Janet Achurch's interpretation of Candida as the serene
clairvoyante remains unequalled to-day, even by Agnes Sorma
or Lili Petri. The play has been patronizingly spoken of as
an amusing little comedy; Oliver Herford, the humorist, hailed
it with great enthusiasm as a " problem-farce " ! But Candida
has always appealed to me, as to Mr. Gilbert Chesterton, " not
only as the noblest work of Mr. Shaw, but as one of the noblest,
if not the noblest, of modern plays : a most square and manly
piece of moral truth."
The Devil's Disciple is the fourth and last play in the cate-
gory of authentically dramatic pieces, ranking just below
Candida in the subtlety of its character-delineation and the mag-
netic force of its appeal. The play had its genesis in a con-
versation between Shaw and that remarkable romantic actor,
William Terriss. In Shaw's words:
" One day Terriss sent for me, and informed me that
since witnessing the production of Arms and the Man he
regarded me as one of the ' greatest intellectual forces of
the present day.' He proposed to combine my intellect with
his knowledge of the stage in the construction of a play.
Whereupon he gave me one of the most astounding scenarios
I ever encountered. . . . When I endeavoured with all
my reasoning powers to convince this terrible Terriss that
such a scenario contained far too much action and far too
little delineation of character, he declared firmly : 6 Mister
Shaw, you have convinced me.' With these words, and
without the slightest hesitation, he threw the whole scenario
into the fire with the attitude and decision of a man who
well knows that he has another draft lying in his desk.
Nevertheless, the fact that he greeted me as a great intel-
lectual force and yet had implied that I was incapable of
writing a popular melodrama delighted me beyond words,
and I resolved to get together all the trite episodes, all
the stale situations, which had done such good service in
the last ten years in trashy plays, and combine them in a
354
THE PLAYWRIGHT— II
new melodrama, which should have the appearance of
a deeply thought-out, original modern play. The result of
it all was The DeviVs Disciple" *
The spontaneity and naturalness which characterize the dia-
logue of Shaw's plays are the results, in part, of his habit of
writing his plays on scraps of paper at odd times. And in the
case of The Devil's Disciple, Shaw achieved the incomparable
feat of writing a brilliant play and " looking pleasant " at one
and the same time ! " A young lady I know," relates Shaw,
" wanted to make a portrait of me, sitting on the corner of
a table, which is a favourite attitude of mine. So I wrote the
play in a notebook to fill up the time."
In that mock-modest preface, On Didbolonian Ethics, Shaw
has confessed his indebtedness to literary history and openly
acknowledged his thefts from the past. But in one place he
quietly asserts that he has put something original into this play.
" The DeviVs Disciple has, in truth, a genuine novelty in it.
Only, that novelty is not any invention of my own, but simply
the novelty of the advanced thought of my own day." How
can one express more succinctly the end and aim of the modern
dramatist? Goethe once said that the great aim of the modern
intelligence should be to gain control over every means afforded
by the past, in order thereby to enable himself to exhibit those
features in which the modern world feels itself new and different
and unique. A remarkably subtle travesty upon melodrama,
The DeviVs Disciple is a picture of life seen through the re-
fractory temperament of a thoroughly modern intelligence.
The veiled satire underlying The DeviVs Disciple is found in
the fact that, whilst speciously purporting to be a melodrama,
by individual and unique treatment the play gives the lie to the
specific melodramatic formula. The comprehension of the dual
role made this play as presented by Richard Mansfield peculiarly
appreciated by American audiences; in England, the play was
absurdly misunderstood, as related in one of Shaw's prefaces.
* Vornehmlich iiber rnich selbst, in Program No. 88 of the Schiller Thea-
ter, Berlin. This Plcmderei appeared originally in the Vienna Zeit in
February, 1903, shortly before the production of Teufelskerl in Vienna.
355
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
If we consider the crucial moments of the play, we observe the
brilliant way in which Shaw has combined popular melodrama for
the masses and Shavian satire upon melodrama for the discern-
ing few. How the hardened old playgoer chuckles over his
prevision of the situation that is to result after Dick is arrested
and led off to prison ! Of course, the minister will come back,
Judith will waver between love for her husband and desire to
save the noble altruist, the secret will be torn from her at last,
her husband will prepare to go and take Dick's place. She will
adjure him to save himself, but he will remain firm as adamant.
What a tumult of passions, what a moving farewell, every eye is
moist — the genuine scene a faire! What a sense of exquisite
relief when Shaw has the minister take the natural, the business-
like, and not the melodramatic course ! Again, in the third act,
when Judith, like a true Shakespearean heroine, disregards the
convention of feminine fastidiousness in order to penetrate to
the profoundest depths of Dick's heart, the melodramatic
formula is clear: Dick will kneel at Judith's feet, pour out his
burning love for her, the two will revel in the ecstasies of la
grande passion. Reality is far subtler and more complex than
melodrama — not a game of heroics, but a clash of natures, says
Shaw.
" You know you did it for his sake," charges Judith, " be-
lieving he was a more worthy man than yourself."
" Oho ! No," laughs Dick in reply ; " that's a very pretty
reason, I must say; but I'm not so modest as that. No, it
wasn't for his sake."
Now she blushes, her heart beats painfully, and she asks
softly : " Was it for my sake ? " " Perhaps a little for your
sake," he indulgently admits ; but when, emboldened by his words,
she romantically charges him to save himself, that he may go
with her, even to the ends of the earth, he takes hold of her
firmly by the wrists, gazes steadily into her eyes, and says :
" If I said — to please you — that I did what I did ever so
little for your sake, I lied as men always lie to women. You
know how much I have lived with worthless men — aye, and
worthless women too. Well, they could all rise to some sort
of goodness and kindness when they were in love. That has
S56
THE PLAYWRIGHT— II
taught me to set very little store by the goodness that only
comes out red-hot. What I did last night, I did in cold blood,
caring not half so much for your husband or for you as I do
for myself. I had no motive and no interest : all I can tell you
is that when it came to the point whether I would take my neck
out of the noose and put another man's into it, I could not do
it. I don't know why not : I see myself as a fool for my pains ;
but I could not, and I cannot. I have been brought up standing
by the law of my own nature; and I may not go against it,
gallows or no gallows. I should have done the same thing for
any other man in the town, or any other man's wife. Do you
understand that ? "
" Yes," replies the stricken Judith ; " you mean that you do
not love me."
" Is that all it means to you ? " asks the revolted Richard,
with fierce contempt.
" What more — what worse — can it mean to me? " are Judith's
final words.
Last of all, Shaw indulges in his most hazardous stroke of
satire in the scene of the military tribunal. Imagine the cloud
of romantic gloom and melodramatic horror that the author of
La Tosca would have cast over this valley of the shadow of
death! Shaw ushers in an exquisite and urbane comedian to
irradiate the gathering gloom with the sparks of his audacious
speech and the scintillations of his heartless wit. Thus Shaw
elevates the plane of the piece into a sublimated atmosphere of
sheer satire.
In The DeviVs Disciple, Shaw succeeds in humanizing the
stock figures of melodrama, revealing in them a credible mixture
of good and evil, of reality and romance. In life itself, Shaw
finds no proof that a rake may not be generous, nor a black-
guard tender to children, nor a minister virile and human. All
mothers are not angels, all generals are not imposing dignitaries,
all British soldiers are not Kitcheners in initiative or Gordons
in heroism. That Dick scoffs at religion and breaks the social
code does not prove that he is either naturally vicious or de-
praved. In the stern asceticism of his nature, he is a more
genuine Puritan than his self-righteous mother. Under every
357
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
trial is he always valid to himself, obedient to the law of his
own nature; he might have chosen for his device the words of
Luther : " Ich hann nicht anders." The play was written for
Richard Mansfield; and Mr. Shaw once told me that the part
of Dudgeon was modelled upon Mansfield himself. On the
stage, Dudgeon is usually represented either as the melodramatic
type of hero, with white soft shirt and bared neck — e.g., Karl
Wiene, in Vienna ; or as the gay debonair rake, counterpart of
the best type of those fascinating blades of Sheridan and the
other writers of earlier English comedy — e.g., Richard Mans-
field, in America. As a matter of fact, Dick is neither a con-
ventional stage hero nor a dashing rake. " Dick Dudgeon is a
Puritan of the Puritans," says Shaw. " He is brought up in
a household where the Puritan religion has died and become, in
its corruption, an excuse for his mother's master-passion of
hatred in all its phases of cruelty and envy. In such a home
he finds himself starved of religion, which is the most clamorous
need of his nature. With all his mother's indomitable selfishness,
but with pity instead of hatred as his master-passion, he pities
the devil, takes his side, and champions him, like a true Cove-
nanter, against the world. He thus becomes, like all genuinely
religious men, a reprobate and an outcast." Unfortified by the
power of a great love, unconsoled by hope of future reward,
Dick makes the truly heroic sacrifice with all the sublime spirit
of a Carton or a Cyrano. Of such stuff are made not stage,
but real heroes. " He is in one word," says Mr. J. T. Grein,
" a man, spotted it is true, but a man, and, as such, perhaps
the most human creature which native fancy has put on our
modern stage."
In The Devil's Disciple, as Hermann Bahr maintains, Shaw
virtually asserts the modern dramatic principle that every situa-
tion of adventitious character, every external adventure which
meets the hero like a vagabond upon the highway, is un-
dramatic; the sole aim of modern drama is representation of
the inner life, and all things must be transposed into the key
of spiritual significance.* This principle is exemplified in the
* Rezensionen. Wiener Theater, 1901-1903, by Hermann Bahr; article
Ein Teufelskerl, pp. 440-453.
358
THE PLAYWRIGHT— II
three leading characters. Like Raina in Arms and the Man,
Judith learns by bitter experience to distrust the iridescent
mirage of romance. Sentimental, spoiled, romantic, this re-
fined Lydia Languish does not know whether to hate, to admire,
or to love the fascinating, devil-may-care rake. In the briefest
space of time, her husband has become in her eyes a coward
and a poltroon. Her heart is in a tumult of emotions: like a
willow she sways between duty to her husband and love for
the dashing Dudgeon. And when she puts all to the touch,
she discovers that her romance is only a pretty figment of her
fancy, powerless before the omnipotent passion of obligation
to self. And when her husband appears in the nick of time,
and proves to be a hero after all, her love floods back to him.
Dick must promise that he will never tell! Surely the figure of
the minister's young wife, says Heinrich Stumcke, is one of the
most delicate creations of the English stage. " In the recital
of Judith's relations with Dick," writes Dr. Brandes, " there
is convincing irony, and rare insight into the idiosyncrasies and
subtleties of the feminine heart."
Among the minor excellences of the play, the figure of Bur-
goyne stands out in striking relief. In Shaw's view, his Bur-
goyne is not a conventional stage soldier, but " as faithful a
portrait as it is in the nature of stage portraits to be " — what-
ever that may mean ! In reality, Shaw's Burgoyne interests us,
not at all as an historical personage, but as a distinct dramatic
creation. " Gentleman Johnny," suave, sarcastic, urbane — the
high comedian with all the exquisite grace of the eighteenth
century — delights us by exchanging rare repartee with Dick
over the banal topic of the latter's death. Burgoyne's speech
of Voltairean timbre, quite in the key of De Quincey's Murder
as a Fine Art — beginning with " Let me persuade you to be
hanged " — is the finest ironical touch in English drama since
Sheridan. " The historic figure of the English General Bur-
goyne," says Dr. Brandes, " though he holds only a subordinate
place in the play, stands forth with a fresh and sparkling
vitality, such as only great poets can impart to their creations."
Shaw once modestly averred that " the most effective situation
on the modern stage occurs in my own play — The DeviVs Dis-
359
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
ciple." I have always had the feeling that the first act of this
play, although actually delaying the beginning of the " love
story " until the second act, is the most remarkable act Shaw
has ever written — a genre picture eminently worthy of the hand
of a Hogarth or a Dickens. And, to quote Dr. Brandes once
more, " I consider The Devil's Disciple a masterpiece, whether
viewed from the psychological or the dramatic standpoint. Well
acted, it ought to create a furore."
360
THE PLAYWRIGHT— III
" I find that the surest way to startle the world with daring innovations
and originalities is to do exactly what playwrights have been doing for
thousands of years; to revive the ancient attraction of long rhetorical
speeches; to stick closely to the methods of Moliere; and to lift characters
bodily out of the pages of Charles Dickens." — Prophets of the Nineteenth
Century (Unpublished), by G. Bernard Shaw.
" I have honour and humanity on my side, wit in my head, skill in my hand,
and a higher life for my aim." — G. Bernard Shaw, in the New York Times,
September 25th, 1905.
CHAPTER XII
71 /TAN AND SUPERMAN inaugurates another cycle of
J.VJ- Shaw's theatre, and first presents Shaw to the world
as a conscious philosopher. By reason of its bi-partite na-
ture— it is sub-entitled A Comedy and a Philosophy — this play
furnishes the natural link between Shaw the dramatist and Shaw
the creator of a new form of stage entertainment. It is worth
recalling that at the time this play appeared Shaw had not
yet won the favour of the " great public " in England. He
had, however, won the attention and the enthusiastic, yet tem-
pered, praise of one of the ablest dramatic critics in England.
Mr. William Archer pronounced Mrs. Warren's Profession a
" masterpiece — yes, with all reservations, a masterpiece," and as
each one of Shaw's plays appeared, he discussed it in the fullest
and most impartial way, bespoke for it the attention of the
British public, and roundly berated the managers of the large
West End theatres for letting slip through their fingers the
golden opportunities afforded by the brilliant works of the witty
Irishman.* For that matter, Shaw was not wanting in appre-
ciative students of his plays among the dramatic critics of the
day; and even Mr. Max Beerbohm and Mr. A. B. Walkley,
though temperamentally Shaw's opposites, took the liveliest in-
terest in the Shavian drama.
Indeed, it was Mr. Walkley who asked Shaw to write a Don
Juan play; and the fulfilment of this request was Man and
Superman. Ab initio, Shaw realized that there are no modern
English plays in which the natural attraction of the sexes for
one another is made the mainspring of the action. The popular
contemporary playwrights, thinking to emulate Ibsen, had pro-
duced plays cut according to a certain pattern, i.e., plays preoc-
cupied with sex, yet really devoid of all sexual interest. In plays,
of which The Second Mrs. Tanqueray is the type illustration, the
* In a subsequent volume will be indicated in detail Mr. Archer's inti-
mate relation to the growth of popular interest in Shaw's plays.
363
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
woman through indiscretion is brought in conflict with the law
which regulates the relation of the sexes, while the man by mar-
riage is brought in conflict with the social convention that dis-
countenances the woman. Such dramas, portraying merely the
conflict of the individual with society, Shaw had railed at in the
preface to his Three Plays for Puritans; such " senseless eva-
sions " of the real sex problem serve in part to explain Shaw's
partial lack of sympathy with Pinero during Shaw's Saturday
Review period. Shaw was in no mind to treat his friend Walk-
ley to a lurid play of identical import ; nor did the Don Juan of
tradition, literature and opera, the libertine of a thousand bonnes
fortunes, suit his wants any better. The prototypic Don Juan
of sixteenth-century invention, Moliere's persistently impenitent
type of impiety, and Mozart's ravishingly attractive enemy of
God had all served their turn; whilst in Byron's Don Juan,
Shaw saw only a vagabond libertine, a sailor with a wife in
every port. Even that spiritual cousin of Don Juan, Goethe's
Faust, although he had passed far beyond mere love-making to
altruism and humanitarianism, was still almost a century out of
date.
This reductio ad absurdum process finally gave Shaw the
clue to the mystery; the other types being perfected, and in a
sense exhausted, a Don Juan in the philosophic sense alone
remained. The modern type of Don Juan " no longer pretends
to read Ovid, but does actually read Schopenhauer and Nietz-
sche, studies Westermarck, and is concerned for the future of
the race instead of for the freedom of his own instincts." Con-
fronted with the stark problem of the duel of sex, Shaw solved
it with the striking conclusion that Man is no longer, like
Don Juan, the victor in that duel. Though sharing neither
the prejudices of the homoist nor the enthusiasms of the fem-
inist, Shaw found it easy to persuade himself that woman has
become dangerous, aggressive, powerful. The roles established
by romantic convention, and evidenced in the hackneyed phrase
" Man is the hunter, woman the game," are now reversed :
Woman takes the initiative in the selection of her mate. Thus
is Don Juan reincarnated; once the headlong huntsman, he is
now the helpless quarry. Man and Superman, in Shaw's own
364
HUDSON THEATRE
HENRY 8. HARRIS Manage*
ibe Attractions for this Theatre furnished by Charles Frohman.
. * ■ • ■
WEEK BEGINNING MONDAY EVENING. MAY 21, 1906.
ttv«nfikCB «« 8.20. Matinees Wednesday *a« 3«tarday at ill
CHARLES DILLINGHAM Presenia
Robert Loraine
AJiD COMPANY
IN BERNARD SHAW'8 COMEDY.
MAN AND SUPERMAN
Character*.
, da order of their first. appee.aoce.)
ROEBUCK RAMSDEN. . . „ . . .*• Mr, L0UT9 MASSE*
PARLOR MAID «-.-•< ."..«. Mas PAULINE ANTHONY
OCTAVIUS ROBINSON , . ; Mr. ALFRED HICKMAN
JOHN TANNER .....Mr. ROBERT LORAINEJ
MISS ANN WHITEFIELD. , Miss IDA CONQUEST
MRS. WHITEFIELD....,.., ..MlsaLOIS FRANCES CLARK*
MISS SUSAN RAMSDEN . . . . . Miss SALL1E WILLIAMS
MISS VIOLET ROBINSON. Miss NELLIE THORNB
HENRY STRAKER .,.*......« .^.Mr. EDWARD ABELE3
HECTOR MALONE. Jr. . . Mr.. CHARLES OOTTHOLD
ttfiCTOR MALONE, Sfwv. , . - , Mr. J. D. BEVERIDOE
Synopsis of Scenery.
,AC/t J.**~Roebuck Ramadan'* study la bis bouse. Portland Place. London-.
W. A €pf lag morning.
ACT II.— Carriage drive of Mrs. WbUefieldt country borne,. Richmond.
Surrey. England* Next day
AfT jd&w-Tbe garden of a yills to Graoada. t>DalB. Four days titer1
Time— Tbe present
— — p— — ■— ■» ii ii ■ i ■ »■ »n 1 1 a ' ■ i i i i i i - i.
The play staged under the direction of MR ROBERT LORAINE.
* ■ -'■ i i — -r — i
Manager tor- Mr. Dillingham. MR. FRED O. LATHAM.
Program of Man and Superman.
Hudson Theatre, N. Y. May 21st, 1906. Second Season.
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
words, is " a stage projection of the tragi-comic love chase
of the man by the woman."
Shaw's solution of the problem was generally regarded as
audaciously novel and original. And yet, as Shaw points out in
the Dedicatory Epistle, and as I have indicated in a former
chapter, the notion is very far from novel. Beaumont and
Fletcher's The Wild Goose Chase furnishes the interesting anal-
ogy of Mirabell, a travelled Italianate gentleman and cynical
philanderer, pursued by Oriana, the " witty follower of the
chase," who employs a number of more or less crude and coarse
artifices to entrap him ; when the ingenuity of the dramatists
is exhausted, Mirabell succumbs to Oriana's wiles.* And those
who have a passion for attributing all Shaw's ideas to Nietzsche,
might find some support in that passage in A Genealogy of
Morals: " The philosopher abhors wedlock and all that would
fain persuade to this state, as being an obstacle and fatality on
his road to the optimum. Who among the great philosophers is
known to have been married? Heraclitus, Plato, Descartes,
Spinoza, Kant, Schopenhauer — they were not; nay, we cannot
even so much as conceive them as married. A married philos-
opher is a figure of comedy. ..."
The attitude toward woman exhibited by Shaw in Man and
Superman has won for him the appellation, " the most ungallant
of dramatists." Mr. Huneker has ventured to assert that Shaw
is " practically the first literary man who has achieved the feat
of making his heroines genuinely disagreeable persons." Now
to Wilde and to Strindberg, woman is an inferior being, the
history of woman being the history of tyranny in its harshest
form, i.e., the tyranny of the weak over the strong. Shaw is
quite as far from misogyny on the one hand as from gynolatry
on the other. From the beginning of his literary career, Shaw
*This parallel was called to my attention by Professor William Lyon
Phelps, of Yale University. Compare, for example, Tanner's long outburst
against the chains of wedlock with MirabelPs, " I must not lose my liberty,
dear lady, and like a wanton slave cry for more shackles," etc., etc. In
reply to a question of mine in regard to indebtedness, Mr. Shaw replied:
"Why, I never thought of such a thing! As a matter of fact, the old
English comedies are so artificial and mechanical, that I always forget them
before I have finished reading them."
366
THE PLAYWRIGHT— III
has been imbued with the conviction that, to use his own words,
" women are human beings just like men, only worse brought
up, and consequently worse behaved." In Shaw's plays it is a
toss-up between the men and the women as to which are the
worse behaved. The women in Shaw's plays seem always de-
liberately to challenge the conventional ideal of the womanly
Woman. As a dramatist, Shaw rebelled from the very first
against the long-established custom of making all heroines per-
fect, all heroes chivalrous and gallant, all villains irretrievably
wicked. Stock characters, in Shaw's view, must be swept off
from dramatic art along with romance, the womanly woman, the
ideal heroine, and all the other useless lumber that so fatally
cumbered the British stage. In Shaw's first play, he con-
fessedly " jilted the ideal lady for a real one," and predicted that
he would probably do it again and again, even at the risk of
having the real ones mistaken for counter-ideals. Shaw has
kept his promise, and has been jilting the ideal lady ever since.
M. Filon finds Shaw's " galerie de femmes " nothing short of
astonishing in the veracity and vitality of the likenesses. Ann
Whitefield, whom Shaw once pronounced his " most gorgeous
female," is really one of his least successful portraits. " As I
sat watching Everyman at the Charterhouse," says Shaw, " I
said to myself, i Why not Everywoman ? ' Ann was the result ;
every woman is not Ann ; but Ann is Everywoman." Thus the
play takes on the character of a " morality," and purports to
adumbrate a deep, underlying truth of nature. Unfortunately,
Shaw is not a flesh painter; Ann is not a successful portrait
of a woman who is " an unscrupulous user of her personal fas-
cination to make men give her what she wants." She is deficient
in feminine subtlety — the obscurer instincts and emotions of
sex. The strong, heedless, unquestioning voice of fruitful na1
ture voices its command, not through the passion of a " mother
woman," but through the medium of the comic loquacity of a
laughing philosopher ! * In the master works of that sovereign
* Compare the novel, The Confounding of Camellia, by Anne Douglas
Sedgwick, concretely imaging the thesis of Shaw's play. The pursuit of
man is portrayed in its natural colours, the pursuer and temptress being
a seductive siren who exploits all the intricate wiles and complex arts of
personal fascination to ensnare her struggling prey.
367
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
student of human nature, Thomas Hardy, the Life Force holds
full sway; Wedekind's Erdgeist reveals the omnivorous, man-
eating monster, devouring her human prey with all the ferocity
1 of a she-lioness. Inability to portray sexual passion convinc-
ingly is a limitation of Shaw's art. And yet in the present
instance we must not forget that, as Mr. Archer reminds us,
" no doubt the logic of allegory demanded that the case should
be stated in its extremest form, and that the crudest femineity
should, in the end, conquer the alertest and most open-eyed mas-
culinity." While concerned with the problem of sex, Man and
Superman remains a drama of ideas. And it is difficult to
avoid the conclusion that, had the Life Force in Ann been su-
preme, Maeterlinck would have been vindicated by her in his
fine saying : " The first kiss of the betrothed is but the seal
which thousands of hands, craving for birth, have impressed
upon the lips of the mother they desire."
Man and Superman is the most pervasively brilliant of all
Shaw's comedies. And in spite of the fact that the idea-plot
is intricate and requires to be disengaged from the action-plot
the comedy, as I saw it produced in both New York and Lon-
don, gave rise to an almost unbroken burst of merriment on the
part of the audience. It is customary to identify Shaw with
Tanner ; and in the first production of Man and Superman at
the Court Theatre, Tanner (Mr. Granville Barker) was "made
up " to represent Shaw. As a matter of fact, Mr. Shaw once
told me that in Tanner, with all his headlong loquacity, is
satirized Mr. H. M. Hyndman, the great Socialist orator. One
other detail in the play is noteworthy — the extrinsically irrele-
vant incident which leaves everyone at the end of the first act
" cowering before the wedding-ring." It is an illustration of
a curious device once or twice employed by Shaw — a sort of
comic " sell " of the audience, appearing beside the mark be-
cause its relation with the action is ideological, not dramatic.
In general, the effect of Man and Superman is to make one
wish that Shaw would write a comedy of matrimony furnishing
the lamentable spectacle pictured by Nietzsche of the married
philosopher. Mr. Robert Loraine has actually written a clever
sketch upon this theme, entitled The Reformer's Revenge; or,
368
THE PLAYWRIGHT— III
the Revolutionist9 s Reconcilation to Reality; * and Mr. William
Archer publicly urged Shaw to complete his " Morality " and
(following the precedent of Lord Dundreary Married and Set-
tled) give us John Tanner Married and Done For.
The play just discussed is the society comedy, as it appears
in the printed book, with the omission of the Shavio-Socratic
scene in hell, and one or two alterations and omissions in the
printed play itself. The dream in hell — Act III. of the printed
book — is the ultimate form of Shaw's drama of discussion, and
has actually been successfully presented at the Court Theatre,
London. When I saw it produced there, I was surprised to note
the favour with which it was received, the brilliancy and wit
of the dialogue compensating in great measure for the absence
of all action and the exceptional length of the speeches. At Y.
last Shaw's dream of long speeches, Shavian rhetoric, and a
pit of philosophers was realized. Upon the average popular
audience, the effect would doubtless have been devastating ; and
even under the most favourable circumstances, the audience was
partially seduced into appreciative interest by well-executed
scenic effects, exquisite costumes specially designed by Charles
Ricketts, and a long synopsis of Don Juan in Hell, especially
prepared by the author. f
* The Actor's Society Monthly Bulletin, Christmas, 1905.
f " As this scene may prove puzzling at a first hearing," reads the leaflet,
" to those who are not to some extent skilled in modern theology, the Man-
agement have asked the Author to offer the Court audience the same
assistance that concert-goers are accustomed to receive in the form of an
analytical programme." Follows the synopsis:
"The scene, an abysmal void, represents hell; and the persons of
the drama speak of hell, heaven and earth, as if they were separate
localities, like ' the heavens above, the earth beneath, and the waters
under the earth.' It must be remembered that such localizations
are purely figurative, like our fashion of calling a treble voice ' high '
and the bass voice ' low.' Modern theology conceives heaven and hell,
not as places, but as states of the soul; and by the soul it means, not
an organ like the liver, but the divine element common to all life, which
causes us ' to do the will of God ' in addition to looking after our
individual interests, and to honour one another solely for our divine
activities and not at all for our selfish activities.
"Hell is popularly conceived not only as a place, but as a place
of cruelty and punishment, and heaven as a paradise of idle pleasure.
These legends are discarded by the higher theology, which holds that
369
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
The year 1904 marks a turning-point in the career of Bernard
Shaw. The average age at which artists create their greatest
work is forty-six to forty-seven, according to Jastrow's table;
and so, practically speaking, John BulVs Other Island is chrono-
logically announced as Shaw's magnum opus. In the technical,
no less than in the popular sense, this path-breaking play
registers the inauguration of a new epoch in Shaw's career.
In this new phase we find him breaking squarely with tradition,
and rinding artistic freedom in nonconformity. A true drama
of national character, John BulVs Other Island portrays the
conflict of racial types and exhibits its author as a descendant
of Moliere, a master of comic irony, and at heart a poet.
this world, or any other, may be made a hell by a society in a state of
damnation: that is, a society so lacking in the higher orders of energy
that it is given wholly to the pursuit of immediate individual pleasure,
and cannot even conceive the passion of the divine will. Also that any
world can be made a heaven by a society of persons in whom that pas-
sion is the master passion — a ' communion of saints ' in fact.
" In the scene represented to-day hell is this state of damnation.
It is personified in the traditional manner by the devil, who differs from
the modern plutocratic voluptuary only in being ' true to himself ' ;
that is, he does not disguise his damnation either from himself or
others, but boldly embraces it as the true law of life, and organizes his
kingdom frankly on a basis of idle pleasure seeking, and worships love,
beauty, sentiment, youth, romance, etc., etc.
" Upon this conception of heaven and hell the author has fantastically
grafted the seventeenth century legend of Don Juan Tenorio, Don
Gonzalo, of Ulloa, Commandant of Calatrava, and the Commandant's
daughter, Dona Ana, as told in the famous drama by Tirso de Molina
and in Mozart's opera. Don Gonzalo, having, as he says, * always done
what it was customary for a gentleman to do,' until he died defending
his daughter's honour, went to heaven. Don Juan, having slain him,
and become infamous by his failure to find any permanent satisfaction
in his love affairs, was cast into hell by the ghost of Don Gonzalo,
whose statue he had whimsically invited to supper.
" The ancient melodrama becomes the philosophic comedy presented
to-day, by postulating that Don Gonzalo was a simple-minded officer
and gentleman who cared for nothing but fashionable amusement,
whilst Don Juan was oonsumed with a passion for divine contemplation
and creative activity, this being the secret of the failure of love to
interest him permanently. Consequently we find Don Gonzalo, unable
to share the divine ecstasy, bored to distraction in heaven; and Don
Juan suffering amid the pleasures of hell an agony of tedium.
" At last Don Gonzalo, after paying several reconnoitring visits
to hell under colour of urging Don Juan to repent, determines to settle
there permanently. At this moment his daughter, Ana, now full of
370
THE PLAYWRIGHT— III
Originally designed for production by Mr. W. B. Yeats under
the auspices of the Irish Literary Theatre, this play was found
unsuited both to the resources of the new Abbey Theatre and
to the temper of the neo-Gaelic movement.* Temperamentally
incapable of visionarily imagining Ireland as " a little old
woman called Kathleen ni Hoolihan," Shaw drew a bold and
uncompromising picture of the real Ireland of to-day ; and the
sequel was the production of the play, not at the Abbey, but
at the Royal Court Theatre, London. That interesting experi-
ment in dramatic production inaugurated by Messrs. J. E.
Vedrenne and H. Granville Barker at the Royal Court Theatre
in 1904, furnishes material for the most interesting chapter in
the history of the development of the contemporary English
years, piety, and worldly honours, dies, and finds herself with Don
Juan in hell, where she is presently the amazed witness of the arrival
of her sainted father. The devil hastens to welcome both to his realm.
As Ana is no theologian, and believes the popular legends as to heaven*
and hell, all this bewilders her extremely.
" The devil, eager as ever to reinforce his kingdom by adding souls
to it, is delighted at the accession of Don Gonzalo, and desirous to
retain Dona Ana. But he is equally ready to get rid of Don Juan,
with whom he is on terms of forced civility, the antipathy between them
being fundamental. A discussion arises between them as to the merits
of the heavenly and hellish states, and the future of the world. The
discussion lasts more than an hour, as the parties, with eternity before
them, are in no hurry. Finally, Don Juan shakes the dust of hell from
his feet, and goes to heaven.
" Dona Ana, being a woman, is incapable both of the devil's utter
damnation and of Don Juan's complete supersensuality. As the mother
of many children, she has shared in the divine travail, and with
care and labour and suffering renewed the harvest of eternal life;
but the honour and divinity of her work have been jealously hidden
from her by man, who, dreading her domination, has offered her for
reward only the satisfaction of her senses and affections. She cannot,
like the male devil, use love as mere sentiment and pleasure; nor can
she, like the male saint, put love aside when it has once done its work
as a developing and enlightening experience. Love is neither her
pleasure nor her study: it is her business. So she, in the end, neither
goes with Don Juan to heaven nor with the devil and her father to the
palace of pleasure, but declares that her work is not yet finished. For
though by her death she is done with the bearing of men to mortal
fathers, she may yet, as Woman immortal, bear the Superman to the
Eternal Father."
*In W. B. Yeats's Collected Works, Vol. IV., p. 109 (London: Chap-
man and Hall, 1908), appears a statement (dated 1903), with reference
371
GEORGE BERNARD SHAW
drama.* The companies trained by Mr. Barker, an able actor
and already a promising dramatist, wrought something very
like a revolution in the art of dramatic production in England.
The unity of tone, the subordination of the individual, the
general striving for totality of effect, the constant changes of
bill, the abolition of the " star " system — all were noteworthy
features of these productions. There were given nine hundred
and eighty-eight performances of thirty-two plays by seventeen
authors; seven hundred and one of these performances were of
eleven plays by one author — Bernard Shaw. Plays of other
authors — notably of Mr. Barker